Satows Perception of the Meiji Revolution

Satows Perception of the Meiji Revolution Between 1853 and 1868, Japanese society underwent a profound and violent societal, economic, and cultural upheaval, the likes of which it had not seen in over 200 years. The ruling military government of Japan, the clan-pure Tokugawa Shogunate and its ancient feudal system of governance, disintegrated under internal pressure to reform to meet the challenges of the Industrial Age, embodied by foreign interests, particularly that of the United States and England, which used the threat of their military and technological superiority to force the Japanese to accept trade agreements. In doing so, the Shogunate wrote its final chapter and set the state for a return to power of the Emperor, a quasi-religious position which since the 1600s had been relegated to ceremonial duties as the spiritual godfather of Japan, while the Shogunate and its samurai warrior culture administered the country’s affairs. TheBritish Empire of the time was preoccupied initially with wars with Russia and China, but observed with keen interest the initial rumblings of discontent and reform within Japan, precipitated by the bold moves of the United States to establish relations with Japan. Once the British wars had been concluded and Americans had done the proverbial dirty advance work of opening Japan up, the British established their own presence within Japan as it underwent a rapid societal metamorphosis. Over time, various representatives of foreign governments, most notably the eminent British interpreter and diplomat Ernest Satow, went beyond active interest to active involveme nt in the internal affairs of the Japanese transformation from Tokugawa Shogunate rule to restoration of the power of the Emperor, known as the Meiji revolution. Some of this involvement was self-serving and destructive; some of it was noble, altruistic, and reflected a genuine appreciation and compassion for the Japanese and their unique, noble, and astonishingly complex culture. As with most chapters in history, it is often difficult to discern in retrospect where altruism and self-interest intersected and diverged; the history of Japan’swrenching introduction into the modern age is particularly messy, but only more fascinating for being as such. In order to explore this era, some chronological narrative is of course required, but a strictly linear structure is not necessarily the most effective way to approach the issues. Therefore, this dissertation will alternate between historical narrative and cultural explication, sometimes moving backwards and forwards in time, and indulging in anecdotal tangents as well as delvings into the personal histories of some of the players in question, all in hopes of painting a full and complex picture of the interlocking forces – Japanese, American, and British, which turned this tiny country upside down in the short space of 15 years and set the stage for its rise to global power. (A full investigation of the Japanese relations with Russia, China, and the Dutch could easily comprise a dissertation of its own, but we will limit most of our focus here to the often tragic, but often edifying interaction of the Japanese with the two aforementioned Western powers.) Lastly, it is importan t to note that no exploration of Japan’s relations with the West during the Tokugama Shogunate /Meiji Revolution era, or any era for that matter, is complete without dwelling occasionally in details of Japanese culture, which are alternately arcane and compelling. Such moments will be interwoven with the historical narratives and observations as required. In 1854, the United States and Japan signed the Treaty of Kanagawa, which opened up Japan economically and culturally to the West for the first time. Up until this point in time, ancient Japanese law forbade trade with any foreign nations other than China and the Dutch, the latter of which were allowed to visit Japan twice a year to do business solely at the port of Nagasaki; even then, the foreigners’ presence was confined to the small island of Deshima. The signing of the treaty was a momentous occasion for both the United States and Japan, but it was not necessarily an egalitarian or mutually beneficial agreement, nor did both parties come to the signing ceremony of their own free will.Commodore Matthew Perry, representing the United States, essentially forced the Japanese into signing the treaty by virtue of the threat of his heavily armed four-warship fleet which arrived in Edo Bay (Tokyo’sharbor; Tokyo was known as Edo during Tokugawa Shogunate dynasty) – a port forbidden to foreigners in July 1853 and refused to depart until the Japanese consented to enter into a trade and peace agreement between the two nations. Perry was acting under orders from the highest authority in the United States, his Commander in Chief, President Millard Fillmore. Perry arrived bearing a letter fromPresident Fillmore to Emperor KÃ…Â mei (who reigned from 1831-1867 and was the 121st imperial ruler of Japan). The letter was an eager one, and contained several passages full of obsequious language: I entertain the kindest feelings toward your majestys person and government, and that I have no other object in sending [CommodorePerry] to Japan but to propose to your imperial majesty that the UnitedStates and Japan should live in friendship and have cornmercial intercourse with each other†¦ The Constitution and laws of the UnitedStates forbid all interference with the religious or political concerns of other nations. I have particularly charged Commodore Perry to abstain from every act which could possibly disturb the tranquility of your imperial majestys dominions†¦ We have directed Commodore Perry to beg your imperial majestys acceptance of a few presents. They are of no great value in themselves, but some of them may serve as specimens of the articles manufactured in the United States, and they are intended as tokens of our sincere and respectful friendship.(Fillmore, 1852) However, the letter also contained notable amounts of braggadocioregarding the economic and technological might at the disposal of theUnited States: The [territories of the United States of America reach from ocean to ocean, and our Territory of Oregon and State of California lie directly opposite to the dominions of your imperial majesty. Our steamships can go from California to Japan in eighteen days†¦ Our great State of California produces about sixty millions of dollars in gold every year, besides silver, quicksilver, precious stones, and many other valuable article†¦ America, which is sometimes called the New World, was first discovered and settled by the Europeans. For a long time, there were but a few people, and they were poor. They have now become quite numerous; their commerce is very extensive. (Fillmore, 1852) The subtext was clear. Though polite and solicitous to almost comic fault, Fillmore made it clear that it was in Japan’s best interests to cooperate with the United States in opening itself up to foreign trade, or Japan might meet the same fate as Mexico, which the United States had obliterated and territorially eviscerated in a warning just four years prior to Perry’s visit to Japan. To punctuate the subtext of his letter, Fillmore did not send Perry across thePacific Ocean in a yacht armed only with flowers; Perry sailed into Yedo Bay with an unmistakable symbol of United States might, his state-of-the-art mini-fleet. Why the particular interest in Japan, a relatively small nation? Itwas strategically located, a gateway to the Far East, and influence over/in, and/or control of Japan would greatly expand American’smilitary and economic power. Japan was also a nation of important natural resources that could be used to feed the hungry monster of theWest’s burgeoning Industrial Revolution. As samurai scholar MarcelThach notes, â€Å"after the colonization of China, the Western Powers America in particular turned their eye towards Japan and saw a country rich with coal deposits, one which they could colonize and exploit as they had China and other East Asian nations such as India.†(Thach, 2002) The Japanese were initially unmoved by President Fillmore’s letter, leaving Commodore Perry to stew in the harbor with the expectation that he would simply tire and go home. This was not to be the case, however, as Perry quickly saw fit to turn up the proverbial heat on the Japanese by sending a letter of his own to the Emperor. In it, Perry reiterated some of the niceties expressed by President Fillmore, but then delivered some language of a level of candor to which the Japanese were not accustomed: [I] hope that the Japanese government will see the necessity of averting unfriendly collision between the two nations, by responding favourably to the propositions of amity, which are now made in all sincerity†¦ Many of the large ships-of-war destined to visit Japan have not yet arrived in these seas, though they are hourly expected; and the undersigned, as an evidence of his friendly intentions, has brought but four of the smaller ones, designing, should it become necessary, to return to Edo in the ensuing spring with a much larger force. (Perry, 7 July 1853) The Japanese remained unmoved, provoking Commodore Perry’s temper. Diplomatic subtleties were abandoned, and on July 14, 1853, he delivered an imperious admonishment accusing the Japanese of a sin against God, in effect, and threatened to fire upon the harbor:You have †¦ acted against divine principles and your sin cannot be greater than it is†¦ If you are still to disagree we would then take up arms and inquire into the sin against the divine principles†¦When one considers such an occasion†¦ one will realize the victory will naturally ours. (Perry, 14 July 1853) At this juncture, the virulent and ingrained xenophobia of the Japanese culture was forced to yield to common sense. The Japanese had no navy to speak of, and though Perry’s four ships were unlikely to comprise enough force to cause the Japanese to comply, the threat of an imminent arrival of a bona fide armada induced the Japanese to capitulate and sign the treaty of Kanagawa. (In the wake of the capitulation, the Japanese dispatched an order to their Dutch trading partners to commission the building of a warship, which was named theKanrin-maru and was 49 meters in length, with 12 canons and three masts. It was delivered somewhat belatedly in 1857, but was put to good use as a military training vessel.) It is important to pause here to explicate the amorphous term â€Å"the Japanese.† At the time of Perry’s arrival in Tokyo, Japan was indeed technically ruled by an Emperor, but he was largely a spiritual and traditional figurehead who wielded minimal political power. The locus of decision-making was controlled by a chief shà ´gun (which in Japanese means â€Å"great general†), a direct descendent of Tokugawa leyasu, who in1603 defeated rival warlords to bring a semblance of organizational coherence to a Japanese society dominated by the fractious conflicts between feudal warlords. (In fact, the Tokugawa Shogunate, as the organization came to be known, ruled in relative peace for the next 250 years in what was called the Edo Period, after the ancient name for the city of Tokyo.) From 1603 on, the chief shà ´gun henceforth always carried the Tokugawa clan title, and maintained power by executing rivals and replacing them with family members and trusted allies, w ho were forbidden to marry outside the Tokugawa clan and allowed to rule their individual local dominions with a relatively free and arbitrary hand as long as they loyally served the chief shà ´gun. Furthermore, all other shà ´guns and feudal lords were forced to attend a grand gathering in Tokyo / Edo every other year under the watchful eye of the Tokugawas hà ´gun, where loyalties were reinforced and tested, and suspected traitors ferreted out. Additionally, other lords were required to keep heirs or wives in Tokyo while they were administering to their duties in their respective feudal domains, which was another powerful tool of the Tokugawa clan to maintain its control. A strict hierarchical caste system had also established by the Tokugawa Shogunate; atop this pyramid was the infamous warrior class of the samurai, the subjects of much awe and reverence among Western cultures. Below the samurai were farmers, artisans, and traders. Meanwhile, the Emperor himself resided in Kyoto, accompanied by a few servants and bureaucrats to tend to his ceremonial needs, but he exercised virtually no governing power at all. It was under this repressive cloak that the xenophobic culture ofJapan was cultivated and its restrictive trade policies enacted into law. The third in the Tokugawa shà ´gun lineage, Tokugawa Iemitsu, established the rules forbidding almost all foreign trade and interaction. Only inbound trading ships were permitted, and of the visitors, the Dutch and the Chinese were the only ones allowed. This was not merely an exercise in preserving Japanese culture purity, however. Tokugawa Iemitsu was keenly concerned with maintaining his clans power over the opposing feudal warlords, and he knew that cultural, religious, military, and economic influences from other countries could destabilize the already precarious balance of power.The economic and cultural modernization and maturation within the large cities was, by the 19th century, starting to create conflict within the caste system, which began to teeter under the weight of its own stubborn antiquity. This was the complex environment into which Commodore Perry sailed his four ships in July 1853: a paranoid, secretive, and warlike culture steeped in Byzantine traditions but also militarily and technologically steeped in the past, and thus unable to defend its sovereignty. The forced signing of the treaty was the beginning of a long road of resentment towards the United States and the West that culminated in Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. In the immediate meantime, however, the Treaty of Kanagawa was finally signed on March 31, 1854 after Commodore Perry’s return toJapan. It stipulated that the ports of Shimoda and Hakodate would be opened to American ships seeking supplies, that American sailors who had been shipwrecked would be rescued and well-treated, and agreed that an American consulate would be established in Shimoda for the purposes of negotiating a further and more comprehensive trade agreement. This treaty was the beginning of a succession of agreements forced upon the Japanese that brought about a great influx of foreign investment, trade, and business into Japan, but the economic effects of this phenomenon were not all salutary. One such deleterious effect was massive inflation of the Japanese currency. The caste system under the Tokugawa Shogunate mandated a rigid system of taxation on the peasantry; the taxes were fixed and not fairly tied to inflation or other economic vagaries, and thus the taxe s gathered by the rulingshà ´guns fell steeply in the wake of the Treaty of Kanagawa, causing ironic clashes between the well-to-do working class and their rulers.Arguably better warriors than macro-economists, the shà ´gun were unable to curtail this inflation, and the resultant economic instability and hardships inflicted on the Japanese people caused a popular unrest that could not be quelled for very long, and fact led to civil war. By1867, the Shogunate had been overthrown in what became known as the Meiji Rebellion, which restored the Emperor to true power beyond the ceremonial, and brought about a thorough reform of the organization of Japanese government and society. One of the intermediary steps on the way to the weakening of the Shogunate and the restoration of the Emperor’s rule was another treaty between the United States, The Treaty of Amity and Commerce Between theUnited States and Japan, better known historically as the Treaty of Townsend Harris, named after the persistent American diplomat who persuaded the Japanese to sign it. As alluded to previously, the Treaty of Kanagawa had stipulated the creation of an American Consulate in Japan, which would open up negotiations on the specifics of trade negotiation. President Franklin Pierce, who had replaced President Fillmore in March 1853, dispatched Townsend Harris from New York in November 1855 to establish the Consulate and coax the Japanese into actual trade, not simply the intent to trade. Harris arrived in Shimoda in August 1856, having cannily brought along a Dutch-speaking secretary and interpreter named Henry Heuksen to facilitate the difficult and delicate nuances of discourse with the Japanese.However, the Japanese, in a typical stalling maneuver, asked Harris to leave and return in a year. He refused; the Japanese asked him to proceed to Nagasaki, which he declined to do; then, in a final – and rather creative – attempt to rid themselves of Harris, they asked him to write a letter back to the President James Buchanan (who had succeeded Pierce in the November 1856 election) requesting a cancellation of his diplomatic mission. The indefatigable Harris refused this request as well, and eventually the Japanese allowed him to set up an office at the port of Shimoda. Nonetheless, they continued to stonewall Harris by referring any request or question, whether trivial or consequential, to the Emperor’s palace in Edo.Harris demanded an audience with the shà ´gun in the capital, but over a year passed before Harris received permission to travel to Edo. Harris did not sit idly by, however; he used the intervening time to cultivate favor and good will with the powers-that-were in Shimoda, the local members of the Tokugawa bafuku. (Bafuku is a Japanese word loosely translated to mean â€Å"tent government† and is an arm, during this historical period, of the Tokugawa Shogunate) Harris was well aware that the British had paid a visit to the Japanese in 1854 that did not go well and left a bitter taste in the proverbial mouths of both parties. The British, mired in a conflict with the Russians that led to the Crimean War (1854-1856) had dispatched Sir James Stirling fromChina in 1855 to request that the Japanese deny Russian ships access to their ports and attempt to secure some sort of initial trade understanding with the Japanese. Stirling did conclude a treaty, but it was hopelessly vague and of limited utility, in part because of an incompetent translator (a hitch keenly noted by Harris) and was sent on his way. The British l urched from the Crimean War to the Second OpiumWar with China in 1856, distracting them from immediate focus on Japan,but Harris correctly surmised it would only be a matter of time before the British turned their attention to Japan again, and used it, albeit with some fictional license, as leverage in his negotiations against the Japanese. Despite managing to offend the chief shogun, the aged TokugawaIesada, and his Court by wearing shoes during his visit to the Palace in Edo in December 1857, Harris’ otherwise impeccable statesmanship impressed the Shogunate sufficiently that they gave their blessing for the treaty negotiations, and they gave permission for Bakufu GrandCouncillor Hotta Masayoshi, with whom Harris had been negotiating, to continue working with Harris to complete the treaty. Harris immediately set to work convincing Masayoshi with a combination of exaltations of American good intentions and fears of an inevitable British arrival on Japanese soil which would demand treaty terms far less generous than that ‘suggested’ by the American. Specifically, Harris preyed on the fears of the Japanese that the only thing standing between Japan and the imperial pressure of the British was their soon-to-be-concluded war against China. The Japanese had long heldChina in a place of cultural reverence in the Far East and had been profoundly shocked at the relative ease with which the French and British were defeating the Chinese in the Second Opium War. Aware of this, naturally, Harris used it to his advantage. In his December 12, 1857 audience with Masayoshi, Harris had this to say: On my way to Japan I met the English governor of Hong-Kong, JohnBowring, who told me that he was about to be appointed an ambassador to go to Japan, and I have received four letters from him since my arrival in Japan. Our conversation was of course private, but in his letters he discusses Japanese Government matters. He says he intends to bring with him a larger fleet than the Japanese have ever seen, and anchor at Yedo, {Edo] where the discussions will be carried on. He says also that Yedo is the only place to hold consultation with the Japanese; that his object is, first, to get permission for a minister or agent of England to reside in Yedo, and, secondly, to get permission to carry on free trade at several places in Japan. If these two things are not granted war will be declared at once. The sending of this ambassador he says is delayed by the war in China. He said he would be in Yedo in the third month, but he has been detained by the war. (Harris, 1857) In another dramatic touch, Harris also asserted that the British intended to addict the entirety of the Japanese population to opium: It appears that the English think the Japanese are fond of opium, and they want to bring it here also. If a man use opium once he cannot stop it, and it becomes a life-long habit to use opium; hence the English want to introduce it into Japan. The President of theUnited States thinks that for the Japanese opium is more dangerous than war. (Harris, 1857) What Harris neglected to mention was that in truth, the British were loathe to try to force an opening into Japan at this particular juncture in time. They had squandered vast military and political capital in pursuit of their war with China, and there was domestic unrest to contend with as well: Despite popular perceptions of British imperialism at this period, official British policy was in fact against the use of force in opening up Japan and British Ministers were mindful of humanitarian considerations that might lead to criticism in Parliament. They instructed British representatives to avoid provocative acts and the threat or use of force. (Cortazzi, 1999) Nonetheless, Harris then went on to claim that the United States had studiously avoided joining Britain in the war against China, despite the fact that newly elected President Buchanan was a veteran diplomat and former Secretary of State who, in his former diplomatic position,and now, as President-elect, was actively working towards mending old grievances with Britain. Harris suggested that if the Japanese come to mutually satisfactory terms with the United States, particularly with respect to the issue of opium trade – Harris suggested that the Japanese could burn any opium which American traders might bring to ports in the future – then in effect, the United States would form a defacto protective buffer between Japan and the European powers, and at the very least, treaty terms with Britain or France could be no worse for the Japanese than the benevolent terms of a treaty with the UnitedStates. In fact, the treaty proposed (in Article II) that in any dispute between Ja pan and European powers, the United States president would serve as mediator. Hotta Masayoshi was no fool, and despite the fact that the Shogunate had responded to Commodore Perry’s presence by commissioning military vessels from its Dutch trading partners, Masayoshi knew the Japanese had little choice at this particular juncture in time but to accede toHarris’ terms. Negotiations on Treaty of Townsend Harris were concluded in February 1858 and the treaty was signed on July 29, 1858.(Ironically, Commodore Perry died in New York City the same day.)Harris, never one to miss an opportunity for some patriotic public relations, ensured that the treaty was stipulated to take effect on July 4, 1859, on American Independence Day. Little did the Japanese know that they had taken another ominous step towards the erosion of their own cultural-economic independence. The treaty provided for the opening of four additional ports to American trading ships: Kanagawa and Nagasaki, on July 4, 1859;Niigata, on the January 1, 1860; and Hyogo, on the January 1, 1863; the port of Shimoda would be closed to American beginning in January 1860.Starting on July 4, 1862, Americans would also be allowed to take up residence in Edo. It provided for tariffs to be applied to American goods imported into Japan and exported to the United States, and forbade the trade of opium between the Unites States and Japan. The tariffs – unsurprisingly favored imported American products with a five percent tax on most goods and raw materials. The treaty stipulated that this tariff was fixed until the treaty came up for revision and renegotiation in 1872, sowing the seeds for the economic instability, alluded to above, that led to the downfall of the Shogunate. In particularly surprising concession, the treaty stipulated that Americans in Japan would be allowed free exerc ise of their religious beliefs, which extended to permission to construct places of worship. This was a significant break with Japanese tradition, which had long been steeped with animosity towardsChristianity. In fact, Christianity was essentially forbidden, andHarris had taken a considerable personal risk by making a show of his Christian beliefs when he visited the Shogunate in Edo in 1858.Despite a clause in the treaty that seemed to forbid Christian proselytizing (â€Å"The Americans and Japanese shall not do anything that may be calculated to excite religious animosity† (Article VII), the influx of Christianity into the Japanese homeland was deeply offensive to many traditionalist and contributed to the erosion of support for the Shogunate. Another interesting stipulation of the treaty is that diplomatic envoys from Japan would be sent to the United States for the purposes of cultural exchange and for a ‘formal’ treaty-signing ceremony. Three Japanese were selected for the journey: Shimmi Masaoki, the senior ambassador, who was only 35 years of age; Oguri Tadamasu, who carried the title of ‘official inspector’ for the diplomatic mission; andMurgaki Norimasa, who kept a detailed diary of the delegation’s visit.Each were samurai warriors, consistent with the ruling class from which they came, and knew next to nothing of American culture or the peculiarities of Western culture, much less the American government;for example, the Japanese found it bizarre that the Americans had gone through three elected leaders in a peaceful transition of power between the time Commodore Perry had paid his infamous visit and the Japanese delegation left to visit the United States. In an attempt to show stren gth and regal power, the three Japanese did not travel alone –their party numbered 77, including six cooks, 51 guards and servants, three doctors, and three interpreters. It was quite a showcase: On February 13, 1860, the ambassadors and their staff sailed from Yokohama with 50 tons of Japanese baggage (including the treaty in its special box), 100,000 readily negotiable Mexican dollars, and a large supply of Japanese food. Appropriately, perhaps, the vessel that carried them from Japan to San Francisco was the navy frigate Powhatan, one of the steam-powered paddle-wheelers Perry had employed inopening Japan. (Finn, 2002) The America into which the Japanese were received in May 1860, was teetering on the precipice of a civil war which would forever alter its destiny, mirroring the dark seeds of revolution which were germinating back home in Japan. To say that the Japanese experienced culture shock was an understatement; it was a precursor to the shocks that would reverberate through Japanese culture in their homeland due to the floodgates of external Western cultural influence that were being opened by the Harris Townsend Treaty that the Japanese envoys signed with President Buchanan on May 18. Upon their return home in November 1860, the Japanese delegation was greeted coolly, as the elements in the Shogunate that had approved the treaty had begun to fall from favor. Murgaki Norimasa and ShimmiMasaoki received promotions but were soon forced into retirement.Oguri Tadamasu went on to become a powerful military leader for theShogunate, but he refused to accept their downfall and the eventual re-ascension of the Emperor; he and his son were executed in 1868. The interior map of Japanese political and cultural power was a tumultuous mess by the time the delegation returned to Japan. The Tokugawa Shogunate had splintered into two warring factions due to the controversy regarding the signings of the two treaties with the UnitedStates and fears of imminent meddling by the British into Japanese affairs. Tokugawa Iesada had become an old and infirm man and was barely able to carry out his duties during the negotiations over the Townsend Harris Treaty. Compounding the fractious debate over whether or not to agree to the treaty was a struggle brewing over who would succeed Iesada, as Iesada had no natural heir. The two leading contenders were Tokugawa Yoshinobu (aka Keiki), and a 12-year old boy, the Daimyo of Kii. In an attempt to solidify the ebbing power of the Tokugawa clan and to end the debate over the the treaty signings, the latter of which he had brokered, Hotta Masayoshi broke with precedent and traveled to Kyoto to visit Emperor Komei to seek his approval for the Harris Treaty and for the ascension of the Daimyo of Kii to head the Shogunate. Unfortunately for Hotta, his gamble backfired. TheEmperor communicated his unhappiness with the treaties and refused to offer his support for Tokugawa Yoshinobu / Keiki. Hotta was humiliated and was replaced in April 1858 by Ii Naosuke, who was appointedTokugawa Regent, making him the effective military leader of Japan and head of the shogun council. Ii immediately approved the Townsend Harris Treaty, effectively snubbing the Emperor, which caused a widespread rebellion amongst Imperial Japanese loyalists who literally revered the Emperor as a god and who viewed action against his wishes to be a mortal sin.Undaunted, Ii then proceeded to arbitrarily appointed the boy Daimyo of Kii as the Shogunate heir, spawning a massive rebellion. Those who opposed his sanctioning of the Treaty and/or his appointment of theShogunate heir were executed en masse, in a bloodbath dubbed the AnseiPurge. Being of tender age, naturally, the Daimyo of Kii – who assumed the name Tokugawa Iemochi was unable to assert his sovereign will or assume his duties, leaving Ii firmly entrenched in power, or so he thought. His rule did not last long; he was beheaded by anti-foreigner, pro-Emperor elements in March 1860. After Ii was assassinated, Tokugawa Yoshinobu, who had been Tokugawa Iemochi’searlier rival for the position of Shogun, assumed eff ective control of the Shogunate by assuming a position of power similar to the one held by Ii and Hotta before him. After Tokugawa Iemochi’s death in 1866, Tokugawa Yoshinobu assumed the official ceremonial title and power of Shogun. He was to be the fifteenth and last Shogun in Japanese history. Certainly, the arrival of the Americans and the treaties they forced upon the Shogunate were a leading cause of their downfall, but the Shogunate was already weakening under its own antiquated weight by the time Commodore Perry arrived in Japan in 1853. Though very stable and consistent, the philosophy and structure of the Shogunate government was change-averse to a fault; it was 200 years old, and had simply outlived its usefulness: The simple concept of the division of classes into rulers, warriors and commoners had little relation to Japan of the 19th century with its teeming cities, rich merchants, restless samurai, and discontent peasantry†¦ Despite the division of the land into a large number of feudal fiefs, the people had developed a strong sense of national consciousness. The growth of nationalism and the development of a modern commercial economy had made Japan ready for the more efficient political forms of the modern nation. (Norman, 1940) To some degree, the nationalism of the Japanese was reflective of the psychology of isolation, i.e., the Japanese,

Ben Cohen’s “Ben and Jerry’s”

Due to the societal shift in the twentieth century toward material gain and capitalism, there has been an overwhelming emphasis put on monetary accrual and the pursuit of wealth. To generalize, people are no longer satisfied with familial happiness and achieving status through such things as cars and clothes has become the norm. Due to this, the job market has become increasingly more competitive, which in turn has given tremendous power to business. Corporations have all but taken over control of the distribution of assets. Ben Cohen, co-founder of Ben and Jerry's writes, â€Å"Corporations have been granted the right to become the major depositories and bestowers of wealth in our society.† Businesses, whether they want to or not, have a tremendous impact on the economic and social status in the world. The underlying problem with this relatively recent shift is that too often is the case that larger corporations neglect to acknowledge the potential danger they pose to the environment and the society as a whole. Therefore, it is the duty of each and every enterprise to take into account the tremendous power it possesses and act in such a way that is not detrimental to society. Unfortunately, as history teaches us, too many businesses take the â€Å"its not my problem† attitude and the result is often times irreversible. Since 1978, Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield have accepted the fact that indeed companies have the capacity to have a tremendous influence on the economy and ecology, and done everything possible to make theirs a positive one. To run a successful business, several factors must be kept in mind at all times. The business must function efficiently and at the same time produce a quality product. The consumer's interests also must be taken into account, and too often overlooked is the necessity to maintain a satisfied work force, making them feel important and needed. The Ben and Jerry's corporation, but a small two man operation running out of a gas station twenty years ago, has always rendered these qualities vital, no matter what their circumstance was. The two men met in 1963 as seventh graders in a small Long Island gym class. Ben, a native of Brooklyn, New York, attended Colgate University for only a year before dropping out to return to his high school job as a neighborhood ice cream man. He had a brief stint at Skidmore College as well as NYU, and moved to upstate New York before going into business with his partner and long time friend Jerry Greenfield. Jerry was also born in Brooklyn and after high school attended and graduated from Oberlin College. After being rejected form medical school twice and moving to North Carolina, he and Ben decided to make their dream a reality. They decided to move to Vermont, and with a $12,000 investment opened a small homemade ice cream shop in downtown Burlington. When the business began Ben and Jerry sat down and had rather basic goals. Their credo was â€Å"If it's not fun, why do it?† They wanted to enjoy themselves while earning a living, and at the same time give something back to the community. As business began to take off, they needed to set down guidelines in order to achieve all three goals. Ben and Jerry execute what is referred to as a values-led business. â€Å"Values-led business is based on the idea that business has a responsibility to the people and the society that make its existence possible. More all-encompassing and therefore more effective than philanthropy alone, values-led business seeks to maximize its impact by integrating socially beneficial actions into as many of its day-to-day activities as possible*By incorporating concern for the community – local, national, and global * into its strategic and operating plans, the values-led business can make everyday business decisions that actualize the company's social and financial goals at the same time.†(Ben and Jerry's Double-Dip, p.30) Their mission statement, due to the type of company they desired was broken down into three separate parts (p.46): Product Mission: to make, distribute and sell the finest quality product Social Mission: to operate the company in a way that actively recognizes the central role that business plays in society by initiating innovative ways to improve the quality of life of the local, national, and international community Economic Mission: to operate the company on a sound fiscal basis of profitable growth This method of business and sense of mission allows Ben and Jerry's to do several things. The business naturally holds profit and success as a priority, but at the same time acknowledges and does its best to help the community and its surroundings. Ben and Jerry's current CEO, Perry Odak, says that he originally â€Å"sought out the company because of its excitement about combining social endeavors with a growing, profitable business.†(p.188) The management in Ben and Jerry's is very people oriented. If run properly, values-led businesses often yield an incredibly motivated workforce. â€Å"If people understand that the work they do produces more than just profits, and they're in alignment with the values of the company, there's no end to what they can contribute.†(p.165) The management at Ben and Jerry's has always strived to keep the employees happy and emote a real sense to the staff that indeed they are important. â€Å"Values-led management aspires to respect employees and seeks to meet their needs as well as the needs of the company.†(p.167) Instead of having top level management be distant and authoritative, the management at Ben and Jerry's is very involved with the employees. Their employees are often surveyed, every eighteen months in fact, on how they feel the company is doing, their thoughts on improving products and management, and how happy they are. Because of this, the workforce at Ben and Jerry's remains quite content, and never feels too distant from top level executives. Management in 1985 implemented what they call a five-to-one salary ratio, which limits the top executive salaries to five times the lowest salary. This idea ensured that as the company prospered, so too did everybody working for the company. Management at Ben and Jerry's has established a list of what they call â€Å"Our Aspirations,† in order to constantly remind themselves not only their goals but what they are in business for. They are fourteen mini-objectives that clearly exhibit to the management what needs to get done and the way in which to do. Briefly, each one(compiled from pp.173-175): To Be Real * actions speak louder than words; be the company that they claim to be To Be the Best * plain and simply, want to be the best ice cream company in the world; if the customers are satisfied with the product, the company will prosper and they'll outperform the competition To Improve Continuously * each time a goal is accomplished, a back check should be done to look for ways of improving upon methods for next time To Learn Continuously * employees constantly should receive training in all areas so their contribution to the company increases To Be Inclusive * people of all backgrounds work for Ben and Jerry's and each one's individuality is embraced and creates a tight knit group To Be Creative * creativity excites customers and naturally helps business To Build Community * no employee of Ben and Jerry's feels alone and everyone on the staff would extend a hand to another employee To Be Open and Trusting * if everyone trusts one another, people feel a lot safer about sharing their opinions and ideas, therefore strengthening the company To Celebrate and to Give Meaningful Recognition * when goals are acomplished, they should be acknowledged; recognition of achievements will only lead to more achievements To Use Consultive Decision Making and Active Listening * people of certain expertise are often employed to help make decisions; leaders of the company also must be take into account employee opinions To Hold Ourselves Accountable * if everyone does their job and takes care of their responsibility, the company will run smoothly To Be Great Communicators * leaders of the company always need to make sure that their staff is well informed of whatever needs to be done To Be Upfront * people need to be directly told what to do and avoiding roundabout communication is vital To Be Profitable by Being Thrifty * when the company invests, they need to be careful about how mow and where they invest. Saving the company money is beneficial to stockholders and employees Rather than hiring outside help for new job openings, Ben and Jerry's hires from within the company, promoting people up through the ranks and delegating more responsibility. In the beginning, when new employees were being hired, management demonstrated the company's goals and methods to the new members, and let them know what their particular responsibilities were to be. In this way people had a clear understanding of the company's direction and what they needed to do in order to be promoted. Unlike many big companies, Ben and Jerry's recognized that the most important asset to their company was its employees, and that is one of the biggest reason that they became so successful (see graph at end). Because of this, Ben and Jerry's offers a wide array of benefits to its employees, realizing the high costs of living in this day and age. Because Ben Cohen and Jery Greenfield believed in themselves and their ideas, their company as become quite successful, accumulating numerous accolades. At the same time, they have not neglected their social duty and have contributed greatly to the society. In 1985, they established the Ben and Jerry's Foundation which is allotted 7.5% of the company's annual pre-tax profits for supporting various community oriented projects. Because of this foundation, they were awarded the Corporate Giving Award form the Council on Economic Priorities in 1988. In '91 held voter registration in their stores and got 1500 more Vermont residents to register. When the Newport Folk festival was in danger due to a lack of a sponsor, Ben and Jerry's took up the reins. They helped to establish a movement to redirect 1% of the U.S. defense budget to fund peace-promoting projects. They received Columbia University's Lawrence A. Wien Prize for corporate Social responsibility. They supported family farmers by printing an 800 number to call on their pint cups. Frankly, the list goes on and on. By sticking to their preset guidelines and objectives, Ben and Jerry's was and still is able to maintain a lucrative business that is great to its employees and beneficial to society.

Culinarian Cookware Case Analysis Essay

Culinarian Cookware has a prestigious band image, is a leader in premium cookware market, and delivers an outstanding product. With this said, there are still areas in which the brand could improve, as it still has a much lower brand awareness and market share than industry leaders Star Chef and Kitchen Select. We believe that one way in which Culinarian could combat these issues and push towards completing its strategic objectives is to run a price promotion in 2007. Though there was dispute as to whether the promotion of 2004 was profitable, due to our analysis of the 2004 promotion and the current state of the cookware market we believe that there is room for a price promotion within Culinarian’s strategic objectives. First and foremost, we believe that Ms. Brown is correct in her calculations of the profitable nature of the 2004 sale. Ms. Brown’s calculations differ from those of the consultants on two basic points: the way in which they projected the sales for the CX1 model during the sales promotion and the contribution margin which they attributed to each unit. The consultants argue that, according to the sales numbers of the previous year, the projected sales of the CX1 model should have been 119504. Ms. Brown disagrees, saying that due to the fact that sales were down 24% during the first few months of 2004, the projected sales for the period should be much lower than what the consultants calculated. She says that the projected sales calculations should be 59871. According to Exhibit 1, which outlines the retail sales of cookware across the US, sales for cookware were down 2% during 2004. This information is in line with what Ms. Brown used in her calculations, as she argued that the projected sales for March through May of 2004 should be significantly lower than usual due to a major decrease in sales during the first few months of 2004. Not only were sales for the year down, but according to Exhibit 2, March, April and May are not higher than average months for sales in 2005. According Exhibit 2, during 2005 6. 9% of sales were in March, 7% of sales were in April and 9. 4% of sales were in May. This information is telling in that it shows that the months that the ales promotion ran in there is no reason to expect higher than average sales. This is important because, if Ms. Brown is correct in that sales were down 24% during the first few months of 2004, then there is no reason to expect that sales would rise significantly from March to May. The second point in which Ms. Brown’s number’s differed from that of the consultants was the way in which they calculated the contribution margin for each unit of CX1. We found that there was little evidence to support either Ms. Brown’s costing method or the consultants. However, as long as Ms. Brown was correct in her sales projections, the price promotion would have been profitable even if the consultants were more accurate in their costing method. By multiplying the actual sales numbers (184987) by the actual contribution margin that the consultants calculated (10. 35), then subtracting the normal sales that Ms. Brown calculated (59871) multiplied by the normal contribution margin according to the consultants (19. 95) we found that there would still be a profit of 720189 dollars. This means that even if the consultants were correct in the cannibalization impact costs and the contribution margin calculations, as long as Ms. Brown was more correct in her sales projections then there would still have been a significant net profit. Therefore due to the fact that we find Ms. Brown’s projections of the sales for the period to be more consistent with the information provided for us in Exhibits 1 and 2, we also find that she is likely more correct in saying that the price promotion was profitable for the company. Not only would the price promotion be profitable regardless of costing method, but the consultant’s cannibalization impact estimation seems unfounded as there was still a 21% increase in growth of the DX1 product sales from Spring 2003 to Spring 2004. This is only about 3% down from the growth rate from 2002 to 2003, which lead us to believe that a major cannibalization impact from the sales promotion was improbable. This evaluation of Ms. Brown’s profitable calculations, the strategic objectives the Ms. Roux outlines for Culinarian and our analysis of the cookware market lead us to believe that a price promotion in 2007 would be a good move for Culinarian. As we will discuss below, Ms. Roux’s strategic priorities for the company included not only growing revenue but also aintaining the prestigious brand image and increasing its share of the premium cookware market segment. We would argue that running another price promotion during 2007 would be the first step in achieving all of these strategic objectives. The price promotion run during 2004 was, according to our calculations, profitable and was able to drastically increase sales for that period in the CX1 model. According to Exhibit 4, sales of the CX1 model rose 57% from the spring of 2003 to the spring of 2004. This is a huge increase, especially when compared to a 30% increase from spring of 2002 to spring of 2003. According to surveys done after the price promotion, 70% of customers who bought the CX1 said that the promotion was important in their buying decision. This information, coupled with the Orion study which concluded that 30% of cookware buyers would be motivated by a price discount to buy cookware, tells us that many cookware consumers are highly interested in price promotions. Though customers are highly interested in the price promotion, to better understand how the promotion would fit into Culinarian’s overall strategic objectives we must look at how the cookware market functions as a whole. The U. S. cookware industry is divided into categories of low-end, mid-level, and premium products based on price, quality, and material. The market is thus segmented based on several demographic, socioeconomic, and psychographic variables. But primarily the market is segmented based on age, occupation, gender, and most importantly income. Market research conducted by Culinarian found that of its own customers 75% were between the ages of 30 and 55, 82% were women, 70% had household incomes over $75,000 annually, and 60% of previous customers considered cooking to be their favorite hobby. Cookware is purchased either in sets of between 5 to 14 pieces or open stock by piece. Consumers in the cookware category almost always make planned purchases according to responses from the Orion Market Research Study. If there were to be an unplanned purchase it would generally be a single piece, opposed to a boxed set, and motivated because of a discount or promotion. According to the survey, in households with income over $75,000 only 30% of respondents were swayed by price discount and a promotional incentive, such as free gift with purchase, only affected the purchasing decisions of 20%. In addition to being planned, sales of cookware are often seasonal because it is frequently purchased as gifts for weddings and holidays. The implications for a push versus pull strategy in the cookware industry depend on the category of product (low-end, mid-level, or premium) and the brand’s history and image (how long have they been in the cookware industry and its’ positioning). The pull strategy should be used when trying to recruit new consumers, expand market share, or publicize a promotion. Premium brands often experience more success with the pull strategy than low-end and mid-level brands do, which often requires that they use a combination of the pull and push strategy with consumers and distributors and their approach will change with the growth of the brand. The push strategy is essential in getting new channels to stock a company’s products, so if the company’s goal to enter a new distribution channel or to widen its’ distribution network the push strategy should be implemented. But Culinarian Cookware and other high-end brands that are very selective in their distribution can use the pull strategy with both consumers and their distribution base. Consumers of the Culinarian brand regarded product performance and durability as the most important features in selecting cookware. By creating demand and loyalty amongst consumers, retailers will continue to request to sell the product. The corporate objectives suggest that the company has a strong business that tailors itself to the segments that we found above. The first objective is to widen its distribution network, which is always a great way to create new distribution channels and to grow for the company. The push strategy would be used to gain more distribution channels. Right now, Culinarian only has three specialty stores by widening its distribution they would branch out and increase their customer base. By increasing their customer base, Culinarian could segment their customers more efficiently and also increase their segment base. The pull strategy would be used for new products and for gaining a larger customer base. The second objective is to increase the market share of the premium cookware segment. Le Gourmand their main competitors possesses 4% while Robusto has only 3%. Even though, Culinarian already has a 6. 5% of the market, they are behind the mid to low level manufacturers as Star Chef has 18% and Kitchen Select obtains 14%. By increasing the market share Culinarian would increase their revenue and also acquire a stronger brand name in the market. This leads to the next objective, every strong business posses a prominent image. As a leader in the premium cookware market Culinarian wants to preserve its prestigious image. Its customers are high income and 50% of them favor a brand that they recognize, which means in order for Culinarian to attract the high-income customers the company must maintain the strong brand and the prestigious image it possesses. Lastly, in order for Culinarian to thrive and be a successful business it must cover cost and capture a revenue growth of 15% while maintaining the pre-tax earnings of 12%. According to this information about the cookware market, we believe that if Culinarian ran a similar price promotion to the one it ran in 2004 on the CX1, while changing the timing and distribution method, then it would help Culinarian gain greater revenue and market share while not damaging their brand image. The CX1 model seems like the best model to run a promotion on because by running a promotion on the cheapest and lowest quality line of products, Culinarian would be more likely to gain new consumers while still maintaining its brand image. The CX1 model has a normal retail price of 150 dollars, making it significantly cheaper than any other product line that Culinarian offers. By reducing this price by the same 20% that was offered in 2004, the price drops to 120, which would make it 40% cheaper than the next cheapest model, SX1. We feel that this drop in price is ideal as it was obviously enough to lead to a huge increase in sales in 2004 while still making the product line profitable. Though we would run the promotion on the same product line with the same price reduction, we would change the timing and distribution method of the price promotion. We believe that running the promotion in the fall, from August to October, would be more beneficial to the company as it represents a time when normal sales are down after the summer months and before those of the holidays. If Culinarian ran promotions during this period, it might be able to buoy sales and allow them to gain a stronger hold on the market just before the holiday season. During the 2004 promotion 20% of customers who bought the CX1 model were new to the Culinarian brand. An increase in new customers might be most beneficial before the Holiday season, as according to exhibit 3, 55% of people surveyed in the Orion Market Research study said that they either bought cookware as a gift or received it as a gift. Exhibit 3 also mentions that 50% of consumers are more likely to buy a brand that they recognize, which shows that increasing brand awareness during the time before the biggest cookware buying season could be incredibly beneficial to boost sales. Another change that we would make to the price promotion is the way in which the promotion was distributed. According to the case, only about half of the retailers passed the full sale on to the customers. This represents a major problem for Culinarian, as they want customers to receive the full sale to entice more current customers to buy and more new customers to switch brands. Our recommendation would be to advertise coupons available online by putting coupon codes in their advertisements in magazines and newspapers. In those advertisements they could publicize the price promotion and urge consumers to get coupons online to buy in stores. This would make the retailers pass the full sales discount onto consumers. Not only would this method of delivery allow customers to get the full discount, but it would also increase traffic to the Culinarian’s site. As of now, only about 5% of sales come from the company’s website, which shows a major lack of traffic. By putting the price promotion coupon online, the company could get more web traffic and increase the sales through their site. Thus a well done price promotion could help Culinarian move towards meeting many of its major strategic objectives. Not only would it increase revenue by buoying sales and increasing brand awareness before the Holidays, but, through increased sales, it could also help them capture more of the premium cookware market. By running the price promotion infrequently and only on the lowest quality product line, there would be no damage to the brand’s prestigious image. This price promotion would vault the brand into more consumers’ consideration set and allow them to expand their brand toward the future.

Prayer Of Your Servant And His Prayer Essay - 2709 Words

regard the prayer of Your servant and his supplication, O Lord my God, and listen to the cry and the prayer which Your servant is praying before You: that your eyes may be open toward this temple day and night, toward the place where You said You would put Your name, that You may hear the prayer which Your servant makes toward this place. And may You hear the supplication of Your servant and of Your people Israel, when they pray toward this place. Hear from heaven Your dwelling place, and when you hear, forgive.† (2 Chronicles 6:14-15, 18-21) †¢ â€Å"When Solomon had finished praying, fire came down from heaven and consumed the burnt offering and the sacrifices; and the glory of the Lord filled the temple. And the priests could not enter the house of the Lord, because the glory of the Lord had filled the Lord’s house. When all the children of Israel saw how the fire came down, and the glory of the Lord on the temple, they bowed their faces to the ground on the pavement, and worshiped and praised the Lord, saying: ‘For He is good, For His mercy endures forever.’† (2 Chronicles 7:1-3) †¢ â€Å"Lord, remember David and all his afflictions; How He swore to the Lord, and vowed to the Mighty One of Jacob: Surely I will not go into the chamber of my house, or go up to the comfort of my bed, I will not give sleep to my eyelids, Until I find a place for the Lord, A dwelling place for the Mighty One of Jacob.’ Behold, we heard of it in Ephrathah; we found it in the fields of the woods. Let usShow MoreRelatedThe Physical And Spiritual Restoration Essay1082 Words   |  5 PagesJerusalem. He shows his leadership through his prayers, sensitivity, boldness, and many other characteristics. 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