Gender Ideologies in Local Context Essay Example for Free

Gender Ideologies in Local Context Essay Present essay deals with analysis of gender ideologies’ functioning in certain local contexts. The latter is discussed through the prism of interactionist approach, which seems to be the most effective in terms of describing micro-level at which gender ideologies function. It provides with possibilities for studying how performative, discourse and social strategies of actors realized in local contexts are embedded in general gender ideology framework. For the present analysis a bar was chosen as the local context, where field study was conducted and gender ideologies’ reflection in interactions between men and women were analyzed. The central research question of this paper, hence, may be formulated as follows: how do gender ideologies shape interactions between men and women in bar or night club? Gender ideologies in local contexts: interactionist approach. Gender ideologies represent certain social and cultural constructs, which structure the perception of female and masculine identities, societal roles, family status and production relations etc (Philips, 2). Gender ideologies should be understood as a product of social structure, which fosters different roles of men and women in society. For instance, it may be said that currently dominant perception of women in society was formed within predominantly patriarchal discourse. Paradoxically, patriarchal perception of women affects their own gender ideology and identity, which often corresponds with socially constructed identity. Hence, women’s interactions with men are affected by the absence of their organic self-identity – they are forced to interact within the discourse created by men. However, the latter is realized through women’s own discursive system, which may be described as the micro-level of gender ideology. As Lakoff suggests, women and men learn their distinct languages from the childhood, which being the part of universal language, in fact reflect different identities in gender interactions (Lakoff, 222). Interactions, according to interactionist approach are based on endowing of certain subjective actions of the Other with meaning and symbols (Blumer, 45). In gender interactions, such meaning is ascribed to actions, based on gender ideologies. For instance, as Lakoff suggests of women’s discourse, ‘If she refuses to talk like a lady, she is ridiculed and subjected to criticism as unfeminine’ (Lakoff, 222). The latter example shows that gender ideologies are genuinely embedded in gender interactions, because they form the frame of understanding, actions’ meaning and behavior. Moreover, as Lakoff suggests, there exist considerable differences between women’s and men’s use of vocabulary, especially as far as the use of strong words, adjectives and particles are concerned (Lakoff, 223-224). The latter may be evident in any local context, including gender interactions in bar or nightclub, as it would be shown. Any local context activates specific aspects of gender ideology. According to Philips, notwithstanding culture, ‘There are at least four aspects of human experience that regularly enter into gender ideologies. These include work, appearance, sexuality and reproduction’ (Philips, 8). There is no denying the importance of the fact, that in the interactionist context, analyzed in this paper, such aspects as sexuality and appearance come into play in the first place. Based on these general theoretic considerations concerning gender ideologies let us analyze their reflection in concrete location’s context of bar, based on the empirical data collected in the field study. Gender Ideologies in gender interactions in bar Field research for this study was conducted in Dirtbags Bar and Grille in Tucson, AZ on June 1, 2009 during 10:30-Midnight. The data collection orientation focused on observing how gender ideologies affect gender interactions in this situational context. The first observation includes objective behavioral patterns of men and women during their visit to bar. It was established as a fact, that men may arrive to bar both in 3-4 individuals groups and alone. Women, as the field study found never arrive alone, but only with their boyfriend of female friend. The latter situation may be interpreted through the prism of Butler’s approach to gender identity construction. According to Buttler, identity is constructed based on repetition of certain behavioral patterns, gestures, discourses etc (Butler, 519). The latter implies that social structures, existing in society already provide women with stable behavioral orientations, taught to them by their families, older friends. One of such behavioral codes, which are immediately linked to gender ideology may be described as the cultural taboo for visiting entertainment public places alone. Such taboo is connected first of all with institutionalized male perception of women, being alone in the bar or night club, as the invitation for sexual relations. Based on this perception, visiting bar alone for women automatically means moral fault, since she is immediately associated with prostitute etc. Unlike women’s case, in men’s gender ideology the problem of man’s visiting bar alone does not exist, since it is not problematized as gender issue at all. Therefore, it is evident that men have more behavioral options and may choose between them to one’s own like. Buttler suggests that gender identities and ideologies are constructed through theatrical and performative interactions (Buttler, 520). The latter is particular evident in women’s focus on their dress, while visiting the bar. Women are more prone to put the emphasis on their own clothes and comment on the apparels of their female friends. They often made complements concerning good dress of each other. As the same time, men regularly have no tendency to comment on the clothes of their male friends. Instead, they often make complements to women concerning their dress. The latter observations show that gender ideology functions through performative and theatrical behavior reflected in the culture of dressing. Men are relatively indifferent to what their friends wear, however, pay much attention to what women wear. The performative and theatrical role of gender ideologies is also evident in women and men behavior, when they enter the bar. Women express much more willingness to be noticed by public, including both men and women, as they immediately look for people they know. Unlike, women, men seem to be less tied by any social obligations as they often go straight to the bar and order drinks and only after this greet people they know. Moreover, a bar serves for men a spot to sit down, while women prefer staying near the bar and being attentive to what is going on around them. Gender ideological conventions concerning sexuality are also evident in the types of drinks ordered by men and women. First of all, male gender ideology is obvious in the wide-spread practice of ordering drinks by men for women, especially as the part of acquaintance or showing sexual interest. Such behavior is often welcomed by women, who are embedded in gender ideologies of men, because women are prone to interpret such attention as the marker of sympathy and often use it in their own interest. As far as the type of beverages, drunk by men and women are concerned, men usually do not differentiate between different drinks, while women often order low calorie beverages such as ‘diet coke and Bacardi’ or sugar free redbull. The latter shows that the majority of women are embedded in the discourse relating to their appearance and sexuality, which is according to Philips is one of the central aspects of gender ideology (Philips, 9). Women, embedded in gender ideology, try to follow its main conventions in any local context, including bar. Gender interactions in bar are also characterized by both and men and women behavior directed at emphasizing correspondingly their femininity and masculinity. Men in the conversation with women always try to lower the pitch of their voices, while women often raise it. As Tannen suggests, such strategies are inherently gender, because they are affected by existing ideological representations of femininity and masculinity (Tannen, 169). In these ideological representations masculinity is characterized by the low pitch of voice, which is associated with men authority and women’s high pitch, associated with her secondary role in society. Gender socialization patterns in bar are also very informative, as far as the reflection of gender ideologies is concerned. Women feel more comfortable always being in company either of their female or male friends. In contrast, men may be either alone or in company without any differentiation. For women being in company guarantees the stability of her identity, because she may fully realize her performative and theatrical patterns of behavior. In contrast, being alone often causes negative gender connotations. Gender interactions in a bar are predominantly initiated by men, when a member of a male group offers a drink to a woman or a group of women. Often women refuse such invitations, however, in a majority of cases they agree even if they feel compelled and uncomfortable in communicating with the large group of men. A man being alone, however, is less prone to initiate conversations with women, than if he finds himself in company. There is no denying the importance of the fact, that the discussed pattern of gender interactions in bar reflects certain features of dominant gender ideologies. As Butler suggests, gender interactions are regulated by social sanctions and taboos (Butler, 520). One of such taboos may be formulated as follows: women are generally not eligible to initiate gender interactions with men; such priority solely belongs to the latter due to their primary role in gender relations. The realization of this taboo is particularly evident in bar context, where women generally behave in such a manner in order to stimulate men’s interest, however, their own interests is hidden from public. A woman may be interested in communicating with a given man, however, due to certain gender limitations she is more likely to refuse from her ambitions. Moreover, men usually feel uncomfortable when gender interactions are initiated by women, because it is usually mocked up in his male company. Hence, it may be postulated that taboos and limitations relating to gender interactions exist both in male and female gender ideologies. If a woman and a man know each other they usually greet by hugs, kisses and even if they are not engaged in romantic relations, they often show some kind of flirting. In personal interactions between men and women gender ideologies are also evident in men’s primary role in initiating tactile closeness with women, especially after alcohol drinks, including closeness, flirt, kisses, hugs, joking etc. Women, interested in such gender interactions, would not hesitate to communicate and flirt. However, a woman, who feels uncomfortable in this situation, according to the field study conducted, tries to use any possibility to escape from such kind of interactions. Gender ideologies are also embedded in the purpose of men and women’ visiting bars. Men usually visit bars to chase after women and find the object of their sexual desires etc. Women may also visit bars in this purpose, however, their clear intentions are not seen so obviously as that of men, hence, we may speak of dubious nature of their purpose. Such distribution of gender roles clearly resonates with dominant gender ideology, according to which men have the priority in initiating close gender relations. As far as dancing practices in bars are concerned, men are less prone to dance alone; however, women have no qualms about it. Men prefer dancing if they want to initiate interactions with women – in such a case they dance close to her. Apart from this, gender interactions in bar are often characterized by age limitations. Older women rarely visit such kind of places; however, older men may be seen there more frequently. Conclusion Gender ideologies represent language reflection of certain social and behavioral patterns of men and women and society. They usually refer to different social roles, types of discourse, sanctions and taboos and behavior of men and women. The analysis of gender ideologies in local context of bar showed that they are reflected in concrete interactions. Men and women usually act according to well-established gender conventions of behavior, which are reflected in initiating interactions, purpose of bar visit, behavior in groups, intersexual behavior etc. Women seem to be considerably affected by their representation in men gender ideologies, which means that they have no behavioral choices. In contrast, men’s behavior is characterized by the possibility of choice between a wide range of options. Men may be either alone or with friends, initiate gender interactions or not etc. Women have virtually no choices: they have refuse from initiating interactions, positively respond to any men’s attempt to initiate communication, always be in a company etc. Moreover, gender interactions in bar reflect crucial social perceptions of women sexuality and appearance, which are the first aspect of gender coming into play in bar context. Women put emphasis on their appearance and clothes and often try to present their identity in performative and theatrical way, which according to Buttler, immediately links such kind of behavior to gender strategies. In contrast men, pay less attention to such things and behave in a more casual and free way. Finally, men’s behavior in a bar is regulated by the lesser number of social sanctions and taboos. References Blumer, Herbert (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Berkeley: University of California Press. Butler, Judith. (1988). ‘Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory’. Theatre Journal. Vol. 40 # 4, (519-531). Lakoff, Robin. Extract from Language and Woman’s Place. Philips, Susan U. (1999). Gender Ideology, Cross Cultural Aspects. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Oxford: Elsevier Science Ltd. Tannen, Deborah. â€Å"She is the Boss†: Women and Authority.

The Road to Integrated School Systems Essay Example for Free

The Road to Integrated School Systems Essay In 1986, the Plessy v. Ferguson Supreme Court case established that there could be separate but equal facilities for blacks and whites, giving support to Jim Crow laws. The Supreme Court did not begin to reverse Plessy until the Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court case 58 years later, which established that segregating blacks and whites was unconstitutional and that separate could never be equal. After the period of reconstruction following the Civil War, many states in the south and other regions of the country passed laws that discriminated against African-Americans. These laws ranged from restrictions on voting to requirements that blacks and whites use separate facilities and attend separate schools. On June 7, 1892, Homer A. Plessy, a man who was one-eighth black and seven-eighths white, bought a train ticket to travel from New Orleans to Covington, Louisiana. Under Louisiana law, he was considered black and was required to ride in the colored car. Because Plessy sat in the whites only car, he was arrested and put in jail in New Orleans (Frost-Knappman). Plessy faced trial for his crime of riding in a railroad car for whites only. John A. Ferguson presided over his trial in federal district court. He was found guilty, and the Louisiana Supreme Court upheld his conviction. Plessy then appealed to the United States Supreme Court for an order forbidding Louisiana-in the person of Judge Ferguson-from carrying out his conviction (Frost-Knappman). On April 13, 1896, Plessys lawyers argued before the U.S. Supreme Court. Their argument was that Louisiana had violated Plessys 14th Amendment right to equal protection under the law (Cozzens). Attorney General Cunningham argued that the law merely made a distinction between blacks and whites and did not necessarily treat blacks as inferiors (Cozzens). On May 18, 1896, the court issued its decision, upholding the Louisiana law: A [law] which implies merely a legal distinction between the wh ite and colored racesa distinction which is founded in the color of the two races, and which must always exist so long a white men are distinguished from the other race by colorhas no tendency to destroy the legal equality of the two races (Frost-Knappman). The court also endorsed the separate but equal doctrine, ignoring the fact that blacks had almost no control over how equal black and white facilities were (Frost-Knappman). In years to come, black schools, railroad cars, and other facilities were very rarely as good as those of whites. For the next 58 years blacks continued to be discriminated against through segregation. This led to the 1954 Supreme Court case of Brown v. Board of Education. Brown was an eight-year-old girl named Linda and was the daughter of Oliver Brown, a quiet, hard-working man who served as an assistant pastor and sexton at St. John African Methodist Epicostal Church in Topeka, Kansas (A Moment in History). Linda Brown attended a school that was more than three miles from her home. Her trip to school involved a six-block walk along the train tracks to catch a bus that took her the rest of the way (Pratt). In 1950, Oliver Brown sought to enroll his daughter at the nearby white Sumner Elementary School (Hollaway ). The superintendent, Kenneth McFarland, had always favored segregation and informed Brown that Topeka was not yet ready to make the change (Hollaway). The school board supported McFarland in his decision (Hollaway). On August 25, 1950, Lucinda Todd, secretary of the local NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People), wrote to the national office in New York, saying that the school situation in Topeka had grown unbearable and that the local branch was willing to go to court to challenge the Kansas law. Local attorneys Charles Bledsoe, John Scott, and Charles Scott drew up the legal papers. However, it was not easy to find blacks willing to serve as plaintiffs in the case. Lucinda Todd was the first to volunteer. Eventually, twelve others followed. All were the parents of children who had been denied admission to white schools, and all were women except for Oliver Brown who was listed as the lead plaintiff (Pratt). The case was officially filed with the U.S. District Court for Kansas on February 28, 1951. Though sympathetic with the plaintiffs argument, the District Court unanimously refused to grant relief (Cozzens). Immediately after the lower courts ruling, the NAACP attorneys began to prepare their appeal. Similar school desegregation suits were being filed in the District of Columbia, Delaware, Virginia, and South Carolina. The central issue of the cases shifted from unequal funding to the fact that segregation was unconstitutional and a violation of the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment. In December 1952, the Supreme court decided to group the five cases together and hear them simultaneously. The cases became known as Brown v. Board of Education (Cozzens). On May 17, 1954, Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote for a unanimous court that separate education facilities are inherently unequal. In summing up the courts opinion Warren concluded: To separate [black children] from others of similar age solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community. In 1955, the court handed down its enforcement decree in Brown II, which said that the desegr egation of public schools should proceed with deliberate speed (Hollaway). Ironically, Linda Brown had by this time started to attend an integrated middle school. However, thousands of other children benefited from the courts decision (Pratt). Eventually this decision would be used to dispel other segregation laws and practices. For example, the separate but equal doctrine was abolished (Frost-Knappman). Today, de facto segregation still exists in some areas because of residential patterns and other factors. However, much progress has been made. Were it not for the Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court case, The U.S. would probably not be quite so far along in the quest for public integration of races. Works Cited Cozzens, Lisa. Brown v. Board of Education. 29 June 1998. 14 April 2002 . . Plessy v. Ferguson. 17 Sep. 1999. 18 April 2002 . Frost-Knappman, Elizabeth, Edward W. Knappman, Lisa Paddock, eds. Courtroom Drama. 1998. New England Publishing Associates, Inc. Hollaway, Kevin. The RulingBrown v. Board of Education. Civil Rights: A Status Report. 13 Dec. 1996. 14 April 2002 . A Moment in History: Brown v. Board of Education. Learning Network. 14 April 2002 . Pratt, Robert A. Segregation Overruled. National Parks. Sep./Oct. 1993.

Globalization and International Security

Globalization and International Security This research paper discusses the issues of globalization and international security in their interdependency and interrelation. Challenges and obstacles of the efficient international security policy are considered. Globalization and international security are two directly proportional notions: the quicker is globalization, the stricter is international security. Introduction International security is nowadays closely connected with the notion of globalization. These two concepts seem to be the basic in todays political and economic situation. Thus, to start with, we should identify the notion of the international security. International security is the set of measures performed by countries and various international organizations aimed at the provision of the mutual safety in the world politics. This set of measures involves the implementation of both military actions and diplomatic treaties and agreements. Both types of security national and international are closely connected. As far as globalization offers its ways to ever-growing interaction of people and nations in almost all aspects of the human activities, as well as greater proliferation of cultures, political, economic and social activities, this results in greater rejection. This happens because of the discrepancies in some major points such as religion, for instance, or property issues. The brightest example of the globalization influence on international challenges is terrorist attacks, particularly on September 11, 2001, because these were the first, and they entailed the complete reorganization of global vision of the international security issue. We may state that these attacks were conditioned by the effects of increasing political globalization striving of the US to get the control over Iraq and improve its position as the world leader and power controlling all aspects of the world political order. Therefore, the present paper discusses the issue of the impact the globalization has on the international security and challenges posed by this influence. As far as globalization is rather broad and general term, we will use more specific aspects of globalization such as terrorism and struggle with it, international security in the countries of the Asia-Pacific region resulting from the dramatic economic growth of this region, and other challenges of globalization as associated with the necessity to improve the international security of these countries. General discussion International security and globalization Starting from the end of the twentieth century and continuing in the twenty first century, the globalization of different issues has provided both positive and negative effects. The positive effects of globalization imply closer and thus more effective cooperation of nations on various issues. These involve the sphere of political, cultural, economic cooperation. However, the same issues may have negative effects because in such way the collision of different views happens and this results in the conflict, as we can see on the example of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 different views on the same question who will rule have predetermined the outcome of the conflict: dramatic and terrifying event, which made nations shudder in anticipation of the same threat. Thus, for the most part the growth of terrorist attacks resulted in the desire of nations improve their international security. This may be accomplished in a number of ways: either through military actions, as it has been alread y mentioned, but this method is too radical, or through agreements, treaties and participation in international security programs or associations. Despite the fact that since the ending of the Cold War, which happened more than decade ago, there was an anticipation of the dramatic improvement in the sphere of international and national security. However, these hopes have failed, for new challenges have replaced the threat of nuclear weapon and civilization destruction. New challenges and issues of international security posed by the globalization include terrorism, various forms of extremism, separatism, growth of the crime rates, corruption, weapons of the mass destruction, regional conflicts, ecological catastrophes etc. Despite the fact that these challenges existed previously, in the globalization era they have achieved another sounding, because the world became much more mutually dependent and interconnected than earlier. Therefore, these challenges have begun to obtain a universal character rapidly, thus posing a threat to both national and international stability and security. The lives of many people of different nations have become influenced by these issues and challenges posed to the regional and international communities, and this influences continues its growth. As foreign minister of Russia Igor Ivanov stated, Proof of this is the wave of terrorist acts, unprecedented in scale and cruelty that has rolled from New York to the Island of Bali and Moscow (Ivanov, 2003). The key issue nowadays is not even the disclosure of the spheres where globalization has threatened the security of states and their citizens, but rather that far more interesting nowadays question of the way the effects of international insecurity may be challenged. Besides, it should be defined, why there are so much threats confronting humanity at the beginning of the twenty first century, and what measures can be taken in order to prevent or neutralize the ever-increasing number of new challenges to the peace and international threats. Globalization has become the greatest and the most influential constructor of the new international security picture. Its influence on the development and facilitation of the relations between nations in this basic sphere is considered to be rather contradictory. Thus, on the one part, globalization furthers rapid advancement of technological and scientific progress and facilitates ever-increasing communication among nations. Thus, if we look at the issue more closely, we will see that globalization to great extent assists humanity in provision of the potentiality for improvement of the quality of the international security and brings it to another level of development. It is due to the mutual dependence between nations in almost all spheres of the political, economic, social order, that helps to develop absolutely novel political approaches targeting the creation of the democratic multiparty organizations of controlling the international system of security and in such way targeting the reliable solution of the security problems. Nevertheless, the process of globalization has negative meaning, which is expressed through the intensification of the old challenges of international security with the simultaneous raising of new challenges and dangers. The part of outer factors in the evolution of nations and countries is increasing crucially. Due to the discrepancies in the economic and financial power, the interrelation and mutual dependency between nations becomes ever more unstable and disbalanced. Despite the fact that a minor group of leading industrialized countries almost obviously plays the part of the grounds for globalization, the rest of the countries stays aside of the financial economic advancements. As a consequence, the differences of economic and social advancement of the world grow intensively. According to Ivanov, the world economy may nowadays be separated into two types of zones: zones of growth and stagnation. Therefore, as Ivanov states, in 1998 ten leading states recipients of foreign investments accounted for 70 percent of their total amount, and countries with a low development level accounted for less than 7 percent (Ivanov, 2003). At the same time eminent politician claims that While in 1960 the incomes of the richest 20 percent of the worlds population exceeded those of the poorest 20 percent by 30 times, by 2002 that gap had trebled (Ivanov, 2003). All these problems: unemployment, low wages, social injustice, discrepancies in the realm of religion, culture, etc, contribute greatly to the issue of international security improvement. Certain steps have been already made in this direction, and they appear to be rather effective, but they will be discussed later in this paper. As for the mutual dependence of globalization and international security, we may state that we become the witnesses of the transference of negative globalization aspects to the countries of the Third World. The point is that it is harder for the Third World nations to defend themselves from the negative influence of globalization, but what is far easier to people living in developed countries is that they are protected to a certain extent with the economic and political power of their states. Consequently, the deceleration of globalization processes results in the breaches widening, which concerns the gaps in speed and direction of both economic and social advancement of whole regions of the world. It should be also mentioned that the very notion of the state power is changing in todays world. International security nowadays is provided with the help of not only military forces, as it has always been, but also with the help of the financial, economic, information and other resources which affect allies and opponents particularly comes to the foreground. There are certain factors which supposedly make it either easier or more complicated for countries to obtain access to the advantages of globalization, and which become ever more involved in the armory of security strategies. Thus, globalization and attempts to manipulate its processes are often used as tools of pressure in politics and economy. This peculiarity of the current state of affairs with international relations is emphasized in the UN report called The Impact of Civilization on Social Development. This report underlines that concern over globalization is partly due to the fact that the national policies of states are increasingly influenced by policies pursued outside their boundaries (UN report). Although this concerns national security policies, it is obvious that the international security policies are affected by the global politics and economy as well. As an example of such connection we can provide the example of the International Security Assistance Force although this mission was established by the UN Security Council, a lot of countries of the world responded the call for assistance. Thus, the United Nations Security Council has established ISAF International Security Assistance Force, which is the development and security mission in Afghanistan, led by NATO. The mission was established on December 20, 2001 (UNSCR) and involves approximately thirty five thousand people. The troops for this mission were contributed by thirty seven countries. The main target of International Security Assistance Force was to protect Kabul (Afghanistan) during the war in Afghanistan (started in 2001), and provide the security of the people from the Taliban, al Qaida. There are a lot of tools which are used to influence international security through the globalization processes. According to Ivanov, these tools of manipulation include the following: Investment and credit diplomacy, which benefits from the sharp need of developing nations in loans and investments of foreign capital. Information diplomacy, which targets the prevalence in the space of the world information; Political engineering, which implies the joint usage of different levers such as economic, political, and military ones for the construction of the required type of partners. In other words, states are ready to accept the conditions of the answer to both national and international challenges and issues posed from outside the boundaries of these states. In general, it should be particularly underlined that the process of new international processes started in the period after the Cold War ending, obtained to a great extent unchangeable and uncontrolled nature. Consequently, as it turns out, the situation has arisen which is filled with a great potential for the crisis outbreak, but which is simultaneously useless for the prevention or solution of international security issues collectively, meaning with the help of the whole world community. The deficiency of efficient mechanisms for control and monitoring of the actions and adapting the interests of a group of governments can be implemented as the pretence or evidential support of the statement that the purchase of weapons of mass destruction, even if its quantity is insignificant, becomes almost the only way to ensure security in international terms in todays unpredictable and unstable world. The risk and challenge of such situation is in the fact that threats to national and international security will exist until some serious measures are taken. Terrorism as the threat to international security One of the most crucial challenges the world community faces nowadays is the identification of the most sharply states problems of national and international security notions, which are often closely connected. The current attempts of the world community to fight these problems should be analyzed and the question should be answered as for the effectiveness of these attempts. As it has been already mentioned, the threat of the international terrorism nowadays is posed rather obviously and thus becomes the major threat to the security of the humanity. One of the most difficult things in fighting terrorism, according to Russian foreign minister Ivanov is that terrorists usually change their techniques and strategies of fighting for their aims, and they used to find ever new targets of their just retribution: The population of the major megalopolises on the planet and strategically important marine transportation of energy resources, computer systems that support the life of a modern state, the transportation, tourist and banking infrastructures of the world this is by no means a complete list of targets of attacks that have already happened and may happen in the future (Ivanov, 2003). The key reason for the current situation existence is that extremist leaders try to breed strife, and in such way manipulate others. The most awful thing is that usually this happens on the political level, and people dependant on the state or government suffer in such situation. Thus, terrorist leaders try to destabilize the current state of affairs in separate countries through the use of causing strife as a result of religious, cultural or national discord. Thus, they find weak sides and strike a blow influencing not those separate countries but the whole world community. The growth of international terrorism had entailed the necessity to cooperate in order to fight international terrorism. Thus, national programs aiming the interaction against terrorism were established within the frameworks of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Commonwealth of Independent States (Ivanov, 2003). Their target is to put an obstacle on the way of the ever-spreading terrorism, particularly in Central Asia (Ivanov, 2003). Therefore, we should always remember that the protection of rights of every citizen is the direct concern of every country, that is why it is necessary to develop new more efficient programs aiming fight against terrorism and other threats to international security. The United Nations continue to claim its opinion as for the effective struggle with terrorism. According to the UN, this struggle should be supported essentially by the international law. This problem may be solved with the help of the UN, which has always taken great interest and participated in the affairs of terrorism protection, persecution of terrorists or terrorist loyal people, assistance to those people who have suffered from the extremist activity. International security in Asia-Pacific region Asia-Pacific region may be considered the developing one, because countries of this region traditionally have underdeveloped economies, and inexpressive politics but nowadays situation seem to have been changed. That is why it is rather unexpectedly for the world community to evidence the fact that Asia-Pacific region has become the center of the international security, in other words, the Asia-Pacific is currentlyhome to a wide range of attempts at international cooperation on security issues (Goh, Acharia, 2007). It has not been until the beginning of the 1990s that considerable developments and improvements in international issues resulted in the essential changes in the international security of Asia-Pacific region. The most important events which contributed greatly to the development of this region and brought about the transformations in the sphere of international security were the end of the Cold War and the vagueness of the situation with the American strategy as for East A sia. Besides, this resulted from the advancement of China on both political and economic arena due to its dramatic economic growth. It was exactly that economic growth that opened China to the world as the prospective country leading in terms of the economic growth and bringing changes at all levels of the development. Another reason for the change was the crisis of Asian economy in 1997, which damaged the region significantly and doubted the efficiency of the international institutions and the existence of the programs on international cooperation in the sphere of security provision. The activities of the terrorists in Southeast Asia, which have incurred from the terrorist attacks in the USA on September 11, 2001, contributed greatly to the change of the approach concerning national, international and local security. These examples of globalization require further research as for the conflict solving in Asia-Pacific countries. Great variety of approaches to international and national security was considered and thus they have changed significantly since the times of the Cold War. In 1994 the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Regional Forum was established, and it was the peak of the new initiatives developing in the region at those times. As for the increase of international security between countries of the Asia-Pacific region, we should state that there is growing effort to provide the international security with the combined effort of ASEAN countries, Japan, South Korea and China. Besides, great number of organizations has appeared which has certain relation to the security, such as the APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and others. As a rule, these cooperative efforts concern the issue of confidence establishing between Asia-Pacific countries. However, because of the differing conditions of these organizations operation, a lot of such efforts suffer from the deficiency of the mutual cooperation and lack of competition as well. Within the framework of the international security there are a number of questions which will be answered in the present paper. They include the concern over the APEC, the main issues of which were extended and thus achieved both greater role and importance on the political scene. So, the reason that has facilitated this transformation in goals of the APEC was the struggle against terrorism after the infamous event of 11 September. The issue of the terrorism in the era of globalization as the key concern of the world community has been considered in this paper. However, first we should answer the question how do relate those two notions of globalization and terrorism, and what are their common points. Therefore, we should mention that globalization has different layers, such as for instance political, economic, cultural and many other; and as a rule globalization is considered as the ever-growing interconnection between people and whole nations as a result of the progress and technol ogical advancements in communication facilities, transport, information technologies etc. It can be hardly doubted that the development of the communications, IT and transport as well as closer interaction between nations, has contributed greatly to the necessity of the international cooperation and security improvement. The reasons for the greater international danger may be waited from the side of international trade and economy on the whole, as far as money and power are closely interlinked and for the most part they are the reason for the majority of conflicts. Among other factors influencing international security is the institutional adaptability as stated by Goh and Acharia, who claim that it is the presence of or the presence of institutional mechanisms that could be adapted to respond to new challenges; in this case, the APECs leaders Summit was one such institution that provided a ready forum for the discussion of pressing security concerns among the regions heads of state (Goh, Acharia, 2007). They consider ASEAN and ARF to be as well corresponding in order to adopt and accommodate the supplementary frameworks of international security. However, these actions are considered to be the misuse of powers. For example, Association of Southeast Asian Nations nowadays significantly changes its previous orientation to international issues of security to the transnational ones. ASEAN Regional Forum has also adopted the program of dealing with international terrorism. According to investigation, performed by Goh and Acharia, the current standards of national interaction differ in various institutions. Thus, the most developed standards are those suggested by ASEAN, while those of Asia-Pacific institutions which are under the threat, are the standards of noninterference. It should be also mentioned here that legalization of the institutions of the Asia-Pacific region has obtained the formalized character. For instance, we can mention the the dispute settlement mechanisms created under the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), new rules for managing forest in ASEAN countries, the Declaration of Conduct (admittedly a weaker example) in the South China Sea, and moves to deviate from the consensus principle in ASEAN and the ARF (Goh, Arachia, 2007). These steps may be considered as the formalized operations of the improved and intensified international security. International Security before 9/11 and after it Thus, the infamous events of 9/11 became the turning point in the history of the international security. The thing is that, according to Khan, the discourse and direction of the international security issues and globalization processes has been changed. First of all, it should be mentioned that before that turning point the prevalent issues of the politic and economic concerns of the global community were the issues which concerned the geoeconomy (Khan, 2001). The majority of summits and international associations and organizations were concerned with the only question of globalization and humanitarian problems. However, nowadays geopolitics and other security issues have come to the foreground and the post-Cold War organizations determine further course of events, or as Khan put it, old language and institutions of the cold war are shaping our thinking about global politics (Khan, 2001). Khan evidences, that in the sphere of politics it had been decided prior to 9/11 that democracy is the only best way to arrange the most beneficial politics. In the sphere of economy, the World Trade Organization has established its own standards and thus different countries tried to raise their standards in order to comply with the new ones established by WTO. As for the social aspect, multinational corporations, for the most part American ones, influenced greatly the world popular culture. Therefore, it was the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001, which changed everything. Globalization was accelerated, and this resulted in more or less free movement of capital, labor, technology and other material and immaterial resources across the boundaries of the countries. Thus, as far as globalization is the way to open all possible borders and make this flow across the borders free to the greatest extent, the main task of the international security, on the contrary, is to restrain this free flow and in such way secure and protect entrusted peoples and territories. Thus, one of the ideas after the terrorist attack that possessed political minds was the thought that to a certain extent this event was facilitated by the liberal policies of transactions across the borders. And as far as liberalism and democracy are interconnected notions, the position of democracy as the leading and the most appropriate political structure was undermined. The intensification of the international security thus implies the slowdown in the economy, because with harder control of the transactions the flow of capital will be slowed too. The most primitive but nonetheless still effective measures of international security are those which will prevent the free crossing of borders by terrorists: this includes stricter VISA provision, new regulations concerning border patrol and stricter policy of foreigners monitoring and control. On the governmental level national security is provided with the increase of international cooperation, which helps to ensure the legitimacy and reliability of information crossing the borders. Although this concerns national security first of all, in fact international security is also involved here, as far as nations cooperate with each other, exchange information and resources and this makes these countries vulnerable. That is why the efficient system of the international security monitoring is needed. As it has been already mentioned, the relation between globalization and international security is directly proportional, as far as it was globalization that facilitated the emerging of terrorists as the phenomenon of the world politics. However, globalization has been developing throughout many centuries, and nowadays it had just increased its pace. Of course, the most efficient measure of the security provision is at the same time the most radical and the most impossible to accomplish. The point is that it is absolutely impossible to close the borders and let each nation live without cooperation and interaction with other nations. It can be undoubtedly stated, that it is impossible to do. And Khan supports this idea stating that all advanced economies depend considerably on international trade 25% of US economy is dependent on international trade. The information technology sector in the US and increasingly in Europe now depends on technical expertise of global labor, particularly from India and China (Khan, 2001). Thus, complete separation and estrangement is impossible, and the only way to withstand the blow of terrorists is to intensify the international security policies and restrain the pace of globalization. Conclusion Consequently, in the present paper we have discussed the issues of the international security and the influence of globalization on the international security. As a result of the research, it became obvious that globalization and international security are closely connected. First of all this is true because they are directly proportional, i.e. with the acceleration of globalization the international security policies should be intensified. Despite the fact that for the most part the paper is dedicated to international security and related issues, in fact it is very difficult to differentiate the notions of national and international security, because again due to globalization these two concepts became mutually dependent and interrelated. Consequently, having discussed the abovementioned issues we may state that the impact of the globalization on the international security and challenges posed by this influence are rather various but in any case complicated. Using globalization as a general term, we have used more specific aspects of globalization such as terrorism and war against with it, international security in the nations of the Asia-Pacific region coming from the considerable economic growth of this region, and other challenges of globalization as connected with the necessity to improve the international security of these countries. As for the countries of Asia-Pacific region, their policies of international security has been developing and intensifying since the ending of the Cold War. ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN Free Trade Area, APEC and others are the decisions taken in response to the globalization advancement and international security improvement. Bibliography 1. Acharya, A. (2001). Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia. London: Routledge 2. Acharya, A. and E. Goh.(2007). Reassessing Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific: Competition, Congruence, and Transformation. The MIT Press 3. Blair, D. (2000). Security Communities the Way Ahead for Asia, InternationalHerald Tribune, April 21, 2000 4. Garofano, J. (2002). Power, Institutions, and the ASEAN Regional Forum: A Security Community for Asia? Asian Survey, 42 (3), 502-521. 5. Gilpin, R. (1987). The Political Economy of International Relations. Princeton: Princeton University Press 6. The Impact of Civilization on Social Development. (2004). UN report. 7. Ivanov, I. (2003). International Security in the era of globalization. Khatmandu: The Telegraph 8. Khan, M. (2001). Terrorism and globalization. Retrieved 19 Nov. 2007 from Glocal eye website: http://www.glocaleye.org/ 9. Maloney, S. M. (2005). Enduring The Freedom: A Rogue Historian In Afghanistan. Dulles: Potomac Books, Incorporated 10. Ruggie, J. G.. (1993). ed., Multilateralism Matters: The Theory and Praxis of an Institutional Form. New York: Columbia University Press 11. Tow, W. (2001). Asia-Pacific Strategic Relations: Seeking Convergent Security. New York: Cambridge University Press 12. Wesley, M. (2003). Mediating the Global Order: The Past and Future of Asia-Pacific Regional Organizations, in David Lovell, ed., Asia-Pacific Security: Policy Challenges Singapore: ISEAS

Dispute Resolution Processes Essay -- Legal Process

Introduction This paper will examine when it is appropriate to attempt alternative dispute resolution (ADR) processes for disputes and conversely when it is fitting for matters to be decided in a courtroom with black-robed judges and well dressed lawyers. Complementing the correct ‘intervention [courtroom, facilitative ADR or another form of ADR] at the right time, price and place with the right disputants’ is not necessarily an easy task (Wade 2010, p. 13) and the line separating alternative dispute resolution processes and judicial intervention can be blurred especially as judicial officers conduct, refer or mandate parties to participate in ADR (Sourdin, 2009, p. 190). Proof that fine panelled courtrooms may not be the answer to dispute settlement is the move towards the ‘mandatory’ use of alternative methods prior to hearings (Ardagh and Cumes, 2007, p. 206). Do most people with problems want pain relief quickly and inexpensively? Yes most people in pain want relief quickly and inexpensively but they often want other things too. They want to be heard, they want to heal the hurt and they want a ‘satisfactory [and]†¦ enduring’ outcome (Moore, 2004, p. 2). They also want to change from having ‘a destructive interaction to a constructive one’ (Ardagh, 1999, as cited by Spencer and Hardy, 2009, p. 165). There are differing views about the suitability of facilitative ADR approaches for various types of conflict. Some believe that this type of ADR is more appropriate for addressing ‘interest disputes than rights disputes’ (Boulle & Nesic, 2001 as cited by Van Gramberg, 2006, p. 121). Van Gramberg states that ‘personal grievances’ may be adequately resolved by facilitative processes but where a law or legal right has been b... ...negotiation or mediation; this case needs a judge: When is litigation the right solution? Mediation Quarterly, Vol. 18, Iss. 3, pp. 259-280. Retrieved 12 December 2010 http://works.bepress.com/john_wade/8/ Wade, J. (2009). Negotiating with Difficult People. Professor John Wade, Faculty of Law, Bond University, August. Retrieved 12 December 2010 from http://epublications.bond.edu.au/drcn/35/ Wade, J. (2010). Matching disputes and responses: How to diagnose causes of conflict, and to respond with appropriate interventions and/or referrals. Law papers. Paper 319. Retrieved 12 December 2010 from http://epublications.bond.edu.au/law_pubs/319 Wilkins, F. (2002, January 18). Disputed territory – mediation and other ADR processes. Lawyers Weekly, pp. 14, 15. Zehr, H. (1985). Retributive justice, restorative justice, (15 pages). US Office of Criminal Justice.

Congress of Vienna (1815) :: essays research papers

Congress of Vienna (1815) In September 1814 – June 1815, the leaders who vanquished Napoleon, European representatives, and those who believe they were in â€Å"high circles† gathered together to redraw territorial boundaries and fashion a lasting peace at the end of the Napoleonic wars after the downfall of Napoleon.  Dominated by four major victors – Great Britain, Prussia, Russia, and Austria set peace term with France in April.  signing a crucial document  legitimacy (territories should once more be placed under the control of the old ruling houses of the traditional order), and stability (balance power in Europe)  light penalty for France and restore it to 1789 boundaries and required France to pay.  abolish slave trade  the Holy alliance was formed to secure the Vienna settlement Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) In 1904, the Russian angered Japan by increasing it’s presence in China’s Northern Province of Manchuria. Eventually, the Japanese decided to attack the Russian to keep their power on the Asian Mainland and surprisingly, defeated them both on land and at sea. Eventually, Japanese became the dominant power in Manchuria. Second Reform Act (1867)  Caused by the people who are tired and want to gain to the political system  tired of the British government who sympathize with movement for national liberation abroad and parade British naval, and national pride.  started by the Conservative Party, under Benjamin Disraeli, demand for democratic reform  they passed the Reform Bill of 1867  doubled the electorate and gave the vote to the lower-middle class for the first time  gathered support from the working class by passing laws that limited working hours, established sanitary codes, created housing standards, and aided labor union. Alfred Dreyfus (1894) In 1894, A Jewish captain was falsely accused and convicted of betrayal and sent to solitary imprisonment on Devil’s Island in South America.  France people followed the news from time to time  3 years later, the proof of his innocence appeared. Yet, the high-ranking officers refused to open the cased.  Eventually, it divided the nation into two (Left and Right)  Republican, socialist, and intellectuals under Zola rallied for Drefus. Nationalist, conservative, monarchist, and anti-Semitic force supported the Army  in 1899, a second court-martial again convicted Dreyfus for evidence of another’s officer’s guilt.  The Republic pardoned him, but it took seven years to get his name fully acquainted  marked the battle over anti-semitism, but the victory became a victory for republicanism and anti-clericalism.  made them strong enough to separate church with state.

japan :: essays research papers

In the year 710, the first permanent Japanese capital was established in Nara, a city modelled after the Chinese capital. Large Buddhist monasteries were built in the new capital. The monasteries quickly gained such strong political influence that, in order to protect the position of the emperor and central government, the capital was moved to Nagaoka in 784, and finally to Heian (Kyoto) in 794 where it should remain for over one thousand years. One characteristic of the Nara and Heian periods is a gradual decline of Chinese influence, which, nevertheless, remained strong. Many of the imported ideas were gradually "Japanized". In order to meet particular Japanese needs, several governmental offices were established in addition to the government system, which was copied after the Chinese model, for example. In the arts too, native Japanese movements became increasingly popular. The development of the Kana syllables made the creation of actual Japanese literature possible. Several new Buddhist sects that were imported from China during the Heian period, were also "Japanized". Among the worst failures of the Taika reforms were the land and taxation reforms: High taxes resulted in the impoverishment of many farmers who then had to sell their properties and became tenants of larger landowners. Furthermore, many aristocrats and the Buddhist monasteries succeeded in achieving tax immunity. As a result, the state income decreased, and over the centuries, the political power steadily shifted from the central government to the large independent landowners. The Fujiwara family controlled the political scene of the Heian period over several centuries through strategic intermarriages with the imperial family and by occupying all the important political offices in Kyoto and the major provinces. The power of the clan reached its peak with Fujiwara Michinaga in the year 1016. After Michinaga, however, the ability of the Fujiwara leaders began to decline, and public order could not be maintained. Many landowners hired samurai for the protection of their properties. That is how the military class became more and more influential, especially in Eastern Japan. The Fujiwara supremacy came to an end in 1068 when the new emperor Go-Sanjo was determined to rule the country by himself, and the Fujiwara failed to control him. In the year 1086 Go-Sanjo abdicated but continued to rule from behind the political stage. This new form of government was called Insei government. Insei emperors exerted political power from 1086 until 1156 when Taira Kiyomori became the new leader of Japan.

Colonial Peru: History Takes a Dramatic Turn

It is hard to realize that historical accounts such as these could be so intriguing and actually reeks of scandals that could match any modern day soap opera could muster on television. The relationships, marriage, litigation and the drama are intensely strewn as each turn of events heat up.   Noting old court records and letters narrating the life of Francisco Noguerol de Ulloa, we become witnesses to his unwitting marriage to two women transformed into the main plot of Alexandra and Noble Cook’s book Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance (1991).In the novel type historical account, the story begins as Noguerol receives a letter one day from his two sisters, who are nuns in a Benedictine convent.Doà ±a Ynà ©s and Doà ±a Ynà ©sa Francisca, nuns in the Benedictine convent of San Pedro de las Dueà ±as, had corresponded occasionally with their brother who resided in Peru. But the mail was slow and undependable. This time they wrote to tell Francisco that his wife, Doà ±a Beat riz de Villasur, had died, and to reprimand him for neglecting his own family. They desired, above all else, his return (p. 7).Apparently, his two sisters schemed to convince their brother to go back home, telling him that his wife, Doà ±a Beatriz de Villasur had died. Rather than going home, Noguerol took a new wife, Doà ±a Catalina de Vergara, in a grand ceremony â€Å"among knights and people of much authority and quality.† But when the happy couple did return to Spain, they were greeted with a royal litigation: not only was Noguerol's first wife was still alive, King Philip II wanted him arrested for bigamy.This sparked the beginning of a complicated legal drama in the 16th century Latin America that trailed all the way to the Vatican, where Pope Paul IV decreed that Noguerol could keep his second wife. As the story unfolds, the readers are treated to a dose of bickering lawyers and sexual intrigue–including a lengthy debate over whether Noguerol first had  "carnal intercourse† with first wife or second wife.We could draw out from the book about colonial Peru’s adherence to marriage customs, such as the endowment of dowry by the wife’s family. Francisco Noguerol's first marriage demonstrates the importance of the dowry and is an example of the â€Å"arranged marriage† that was rampant during those times. In the story, we have learned that as a young man in Spain, Noguerol agreed in a marriage arranged by his mother against his will. To wit:The marriage between Francisco and Beatriz had been arranged by their families. It was a business transaction between a wealthy merchant and less affluent gentry, where personal wishes of the young people about to be linked were not considered relevant. Doà ±a Costanza, a widow of only four years, settled a modest annuity on the young couple, but her son's allure lay in his status.The Noguerols descended from a notable family in Galicia and could clearly be categorized as hidalgos. Cristà ³val de Santander was a merchant who could afford to endow his daughter with an enticing sum in order to attract a husband with a higher social standing. The parents had negotiated a mutually satisfying deal, and their children could only dutifully accept the terms.Francisco had protested; Beatriz had remained silent. They were betrothed, and the reluctant groom sweetened his fate with the delectable dowry. On 21 December 1530 Francisco Noguerol de Ulloa, who must have been about twenty years old, acknowledged to have received from â€Å"Cristà ³val de Santander my father-in-law† 30,000 maravedis â€Å"for the dowry and marriage that you have promised me, and that you have agreed to give with Doà ±a Beatriz de Villasur, your daughter and my spouse.† On 29 January 1532 Francisco accepted another â€Å"1,000 reales of silver that are worth 34,000 maravedis, that I receive as partial payment of the dowry,† (p. 43).After receiving a substantial d owry, Noguerol left for America, where he played a role in the Peruvian civil war and amassed a good-sized fortune. Noguerol's second marriage was by his own choice and especially his wife's choice, but it further demonstrates the importance of property for marriage. In his second marriage, Francisco received another large sum of money:Doà ±a Catalina de Vergara had agreed to marry Francisco Noguerol with the condition that he would take her back to Spain and even extracted an oath to that effect from her suitor. On the fifth day of October of 1549, the groom signed a receipt for all the goods Doà ±a Catalina was bringing as dowry, worth some 3,105,000 maravedis (p. 25).Before he was slapped with a bigamy suit, Noguerol did not know that his first wife is still alive. He married again in Peru several years after he received letters from his two sisters, who were nuns in Spain. They erroneously informed him that his first wife had died. Though neither spouse was in any way coerced into this marriage, both were careful to choose a marriage partner with sufficient property to constitute an excellent match. But, it turns out the wives were the ones who gave large sums of money to the man they chose to marry.As soon as she learned that her husband had remarried. Dona Beatriz de Villasur initiated the dramatic bigamy suit after Noguerol began concluding his affairs in Peru and had sent a substantial amount of money to be invested in Spain, thereby alerting her and her relatives to his present prosperity.The suit was first litigated before the Council of the Indies prior to Noguerol's arrival in Spain. When he returned, he went to the ecclesiastical court to have his first marriage annulled. The suits and countersuits lasted several years and included a long period in which Noguerol was imprisoned and not permitted to live with his second wife. The Council of the Indies finally ruled in favor of Dona Beatriz, declaring Noguerol a bigamist. He was fined and exiled f rom several Spanish cities for several years, but he was not ordered to return to his first wife.During that time, records such as administrative documents, the proceedings of the judiciary, and the minutes of both Andean and Spanish cabildos (town councils)–were also useful, especially when analyzed document by document specifically to compare Andean and Spanish views. Punishments for bigamy could be as heavy and could even cost the life of the offender. One person, Don Juan, cacique of Collique, offered buried treasure to the Spanish official who wanted him hanged for bigamy. He successfully tricked the Spanish, at least for a short while, by sending another woman in the place of his favorite mistress to the home of a good Christian woman for religious instruction (Ramirez, 1996).During the two and a half centuries in which the Peruvian Inquisition functioned (from 1570 to 1820), some forty autos da fà © were held. In these ceremonies, the maximum punishments — â₠¬Å"relajacià ³n† (delivery to secular authorities) or death — were enforced as was forced reconciliation with the Catholic Church. Of the three thousand persons probably tried during the entire history of the Lima tribunal, only 48 were condemned. to burn at the stake.The classic and always useful Historia del tribunal de la Inquisicià ³n de Lima first published by Josà © Toribio Medina in 1887 contains a statistical summary of crimes listed most often in the Inquisition records. Heading the list is bigamy (20 percent of the cases); practicing the Jewish faith (17 percent); witchcraft (12 percent); heresy (10 percent); and solicitation by clergymen (7 percent) (see Medina 1956, 2:406-7). The leading position of bigamy can be explained by the great distance, the lengthy separations, and the difficulties in communicating that made the New World a likely setting for the proliferation of marital ties (Hampe-Martinez, 1996).Paulino Castaà ±eda Delgado and Pilar Hernà ¡n dez Aparicio (1985) explored the development of bigamy trials over the two and a half centuries of the Lima tribunal. They pointed out considerations of a canonical nature in the treatment of marriage and polygamy by the Catholic Church, above all during the Counter-Reformation.These authors demonstrated that double marriages were more common in the Indies than in Spain, a phenomenon readily explained by the distance, lengthy stays, and difficulty in communicating from the New World. Like the witchcraft trials, the number of bigamy cases increased progressively in the jurisdiction of the Lima Inquisition. Between 1700 and 1820, these two misdeeds represented almost half of all cases tried.In Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance, Doà ±a Catalina, who is the second wife, sought the needed favorable ecclesiastical ruling for Francisco. Thus, the couple appealed to the Papacy and they were endowed a Papal brief. The Pope and the Salamanca apostolic judge ruled in favor of Noguerol and Don a Catalina, returning them to married life together. Regarding marriage, Church law was more powerful than civil law.The authors found documentation for money sent much later to a member of the Roman curia, which suggests that the favorable Papal brief may have been influenced by a venal under ­ling. When Francisco Noguerol died, Doà ±a Beatriz again sued Doà ±a Catalina for the return of her dowry and half the joint earnings. The ecclesiastical court reversed their judgment and ruled in her favor. Rather than continue the litigation that might endanger her grandson's inheritance, Dona Catalina offered to settle out of court and paid Dona Beatriz an amount much larger than the original dowry.In the book, the legal position of women in Spanish colonial society had been featured. These were established by codes written in the thirteenth century (the Siete Partidas ) and the early sixteenth century (the Leyes de Toro ) and was reinforced by a corporate view of society that equated the authority of the paterfamilias in the nuclear family with that of the king in the monarchical state. In the public sphere, women could not vote, become lawyers or judges, or hold public office (Arrom, 1985).Married women needed the permission of their husbands to engage in many transactions, including buying or disposing of property, lending or borrowing money, and forming business partnerships. In terms of inheritance under Spanish law, daughters and sons inherited equal shares of their parents' property, and a widow generally received half of the couple's community property on the death of her husband. Any dowry a woman brought to a marriage legally reverted to her when her husband died or if the marriage was legally dissolved. Until that time, however, the husband could administer the dowry and could keep any interest that it earned (Zulawski, 1990).In Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance, we could draw out the rule before that in the matter of guardianship of their own children , women's rights were limited. Only the father could give consent for a child to marry, and a widow became her own child's legal guardian only if her husband had not named anyone else in his will.  For their work, Cook and Cook have woven a commendable picture of marriage, relationships, litigation and the status of women in 16th century Spain and Peru. Packing it with lots of historical accounts and careful presentation of arguments, we could visualize both sides of the story as seen in the documents themselves and resisting the temptation to speculate without convincing evidence. However, there have been parts that felt short. Like the analysis of the Papal brief that countered the ruling of the Council of the Indies when they favored Noguerol. But, all in all, the work is commendable because the unexpected decision make the readers forget that we are reading historical accounts, which are usually boring. The writing style is exciting as it definitely intrigues it its readers to finish the story till the end.Works CitedArrom, S.A. The Women of Mexico City, 1790-1857, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press 1985, p. 77.Castaà ±eda, P.H. and Aparicio, P.H. The crimes of bigamy in the Inquisition of Lima, Missionalia Hispanica, Madrid, vol.   42, no. 24174, 1985.Cook, A. P. and Cook, N.D. Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance: A Case of Transatlantic Bigamy. Duke University Press, 1991Hampe-Martinez, T.   Recent Works on the Inquisition and Peruvian Colonial Society, 1570-1820, Latin American Research Review, vol. 31, 1996Ramà ­rez, S.E. The World Upside down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth-Century Peru, Stanford University, 1996 Zulawski, A. Social Differentiation, Gender, and Ethnicity: Urban Indian Women in Colonial Bolivia, 1640-1725, Latin American Research Review, vol. 25, no. 2, 1990 Colonial Peru: History Takes a Dramatic Turn It is hard to realize that historical accounts such as these could be so intriguing and actually reeks of scandals that could match any modern day soap opera could muster on television. The relationships, marriage, litigation and the drama are intensely strewn as each turn of events heat up.   Noting old court records and letters narrating the life of Francisco Noguerol de Ulloa, we become witnesses to his unwitting marriage to two women transformed into the main plot of Alexandra and Noble Cook’s book Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance (1991).In the novel type historical account, the story begins as Noguerol receives a letter one day from his two sisters, who are nuns in a Benedictine convent.Doà ±a Ynà ©s and Doà ±a Ynà ©sa Francisca, nuns in the Benedictine convent of San Pedro de las Dueà ±as, had corresponded occasionally with their brother who resided in Peru. But the mail was slow and undependable. This time they wrote to tell Francisco that his wife, Doà ±a Beat riz de Villasur, had died, and to reprimand him for neglecting his own family. They desired, above all else, his return (p. 7).Apparently, his two sisters schemed to convince their brother to go back home, telling him that his wife, Doà ±a Beatriz de Villasur had died. Rather than going home, Noguerol took a new wife, Doà ±a Catalina de Vergara, in a grand ceremony â€Å"among knights and people of much authority and quality.† But when the happy couple did return to Spain, they were greeted with a royal litigation: not only was Noguerol's first wife was still alive, King Philip II wanted him arrested for bigamy. This sparked the beginning of a complicated legal drama in the 16th century Latin America that trailed all the way to the Vatican, where Pope Paul IV decreed that Noguerol could keep his second wife. As the story unfolds, the readers are treated to a dose of bickering lawyers and sexual intrigue–including a lengthy debate over whether Noguerol first had †Å"carnal intercourse† with first wife or second wife.We could draw out from the book about colonial Peru’s adherence to marriage customs, such as the endowment of dowry by the wife’s family. Francisco Noguerol's first marriage demonstrates the importance of the dowry and is an example of the â€Å"arranged marriage† that was rampant during those times. In the story, we have learned that as a young man in Spain, Noguerol agreed in a marriage arranged by his mother against his will. To wit:The marriage between Francisco and Beatriz had been arranged by their families. It was a business transaction between a wealthy merchant and less affluent gentry, where personal wishes of the young people about to be linked were not considered relevant. Doà ±a Costanza, a widow of only four years, settled a modest annuity on the young couple, but her son's allure lay in his status. The Noguerols descended from a notable family in Galicia and could clearly be categorized a s hidalgos. Cristà ³val de Santander was a merchant who could afford to endow his daughter with an enticing sum in order to attract a husband with a higher social standing.The parents had negotiated a mutually satisfying deal, and their children could only dutifully accept the terms. Francisco had protested; Beatriz had remained silent. They were betrothed, and the reluctant groom sweetened his fate with the delectable dowry. On 21 December 1530 Francisco Noguerol de Ulloa, who must have been about twenty years old, acknowledged to have received from â€Å"Cristà ³val de Santander my father-in-law† 30,000 maravedis â€Å"for the dowry and marriage that you have promised me, and that you have agreed to give with Doà ±a Beatriz de Villasur, your daughter and my spouse.† On 29 January 1532 Francisco accepted another â€Å"1,000 reales of silver that are worth 34,000 maravedis, that I receive as partial payment of the dowry,† (p. 43).After receiving a substantial dowry, Noguerol left for America, where he played a role in the Peruvian civil war and amassed a good-sized fortune. Noguerol's second marriage was by his own choice and especially his wife's choice, but it further demonstrates the importance of property for marriage. In his second marriage, Francisco received another large sum of money:Doà ±a Catalina de Vergara had agreed to marry Francisco Noguerol with the condition that he would take her back to Spain and even extracted an oath to that effect from her suitor. On the fifth day of October of 1549, the groom signed a receipt for all the goods Doà ±a Catalina was bringing as dowry, worth some 3,105,000 maravedis (p. 25).Before he was slapped with a bigamy suit, Noguerol did not know that his first wife is still alive. He married again in Peru several years after he received letters from his two sisters, who were nuns in Spain. They erroneously informed him that his first wife had died. Though neither spouse was in any way coerce d into this marriage, both were careful to choose a marriage partner with sufficient property to constitute an excellent match. But, it turns out the wives were the ones who gave large sums of money to the man they chose to marry.As soon as she learned that her husband had remarried. Dona Beatriz de Villasur initiated the dramatic bigamy suit after Noguerol began concluding his affairs in Peru and had sent a substantial amount of money to be invested in Spain, thereby alerting her and her relatives to his present prosperity. The suit was first litigated before the Council of the Indies prior to Noguerol's arrival in Spain. When he returned, he went to the ecclesiastical court to have his first marriage annulled. The suits and countersuits lasted several years and included a long period in which Noguerol was imprisoned and not permitted to live with his second wife. The Council of the Indies finally ruled in favor of Dona Beatriz, declaring Noguerol a bigamist. He was fined and exile d from several Spanish cities for several years, but he was not ordered to return to his first wife.During that time, records such as administrative documents, the proceedings of the judiciary, and the minutes of both Andean and Spanish cabildos (town councils)–were also useful, especially when analyzed document by document specifically to compare Andean and Spanish views. Punishments for bigamy could be as heavy and could even cost the life of the offender. One person, Don Juan, cacique of Collique, offered buried treasure to the Spanish official who wanted him hanged for bigamy. He successfully tricked the Spanish, at least for a short while, by sending another woman in the place of his favorite mistress to the home of a good Christian woman for religious instruction (Ramirez, 1996).During the two and a half centuries in which the Peruvian Inquisition functioned (from 1570 to 1820), some forty autos da fà © were held. In these ceremonies, the maximum punishments — à ¢â‚¬Å"relajacià ³n† (delivery to secular authorities) or death — were enforced as was forced reconciliation with the Catholic Church. Of the three thousand persons probably tried during the entire history of the Lima tribunal, only 48 were condemned. to burn at the stake.The classic and always useful Historia del tribunal de la Inquisicià ³n de Lima first published by Josà © Toribio Medina in 1887 contains a statistical summary of crimes listed most often in the Inquisition records. Heading the list is bigamy (20 percent of the cases); practicing the Jewish faith (17 percent); witchcraft (12 percent); heresy (10 percent); and solicitation by clergymen (7 percent) (see Medina 1956, 2:406-7). The leading position of bigamy can be explained by the great distance, the lengthy separations, and the difficulties in communicating that made the New World a likely setting for the proliferation of marital ties (Hampe-Martinez, 1996).Paulino Castaà ±eda Delgado and Pilar Hernà ¡ndez Aparicio (1985) explored the development of bigamy trials over the two and a half centuries of the Lima tribunal. They pointed out considerations of a canonical nature in the treatment of marriage and polygamy by the Catholic Church, above all during the Counter-Reformation. These authors demonstrated that double marriages were more common in the Indies than in Spain, a phenomenon readily explained by the distance, lengthy stays, and difficulty in communicating from the New World. Like the witchcraft trials, the number of bigamy cases increased progressively in the jurisdiction of the Lima Inquisition. Between 1700 and 1820, these two misdeeds represented almost half of all cases tried.In Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance, Doà ±a Catalina, who is the second wife, sought the needed favorable ecclesiastical ruling for Francisco. Thus, the couple appealed to the Papacy and they were endowed a Papal brief. The Pope and the Salamanca apostolic judge ruled in favor of Noguerol and Dona Catalina, returning them to married life together. Regarding marriage, Church law was more powerful than civil law.The authors found documentation for money sent much later to a member of the Roman curia, which suggests that the favorable Papal brief may have been influenced by a venal under ­ling. When Francisco Noguerol died, Doà ±a Beatriz again sued Doà ±a Catalina for the return of her dowry and half the joint earnings. The ecclesiastical court reversed their judgment and ruled in her favor. Rather than continue the litigation that might endanger her grandson's inheritance, Dona Catalina offered to settle out of court and paid Dona Beatriz an amount much larger than the original dowry.In the book, the legal position of women in Spanish colonial society had been featured. These were established by codes written in the thirteenth century (the Siete Partidas ) and the early sixteenth century (the Leyes de Toro ) and was reinforced by a corporate view of society that equa ted the authority of the paterfamilias in the nuclear family with that of the king in the monarchical state. In the public sphere, women could not vote, become lawyers or judges, or hold public office (Arrom, 1985).Married women needed the permission of their husbands to engage in many transactions, including buying or disposing of property, lending or borrowing money, and forming business partnerships. In terms of inheritance under Spanish law, daughters and sons inherited equal shares of their parents' property, and a widow generally received half of the couple's community property on the death of her husband. Any dowry a woman brought to a marriage legally reverted to her when her husband died or if the marriage was legally dissolved. Until that time, however, the husband could administer the dowry and could keep any interest that it earned (Zulawski, 1990).In Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance, we could draw out the rule before that in the matter of guardianship of their own chil dren, women's rights were limited. Only the father could give consent for a child to marry, and a widow became her own child's legal guardian only if her husband had not named anyone else in his will.  For their work, Cook and Cook have woven a commendable picture of marriage, relationships, litigation and the status of women in 16th century Spain and Peru. Packing it with lots of historical accounts and careful presentation of arguments, we could visualize both sides of the story as seen in the documents themselves and resisting the temptation to speculate without convincing evidence. However, there have been parts that felt short. Like the analysis of the Papal brief that countered the ruling of the Council of the Indies when they favored Noguerol. But, all in all, the work is commendable because the unexpected decision make the readers forget that we are reading historical accounts, which are usually boring. The writing style is exciting as it definitely intrigues it its reader s to finish the story till the end.Works CitedArrom, S.A. The Women of Mexico City, 1790-1857, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press 1985, p. 77.Castaà ±eda, P.H. and Aparicio, P.H. The crimes of bigamy in the Inquisition of Lima, Missionalia Hispanica, Madrid, vol.   42, no. 24174, 1985.Cook, A. P. and Cook, N.D. Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance: A Case of Transatlantic Bigamy. Duke University Press, 1991Hampe-Martinez, T.   Recent Works on the Inquisition and Peruvian Colonial Society, 1570-1820, Latin American Research Review, vol. 31, 1996Ramà ­rez, S.E. The World Upside down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth-Century Peru, Stanford University, 1996 Zulawski, A. Social Differentiation, Gender, and Ethnicity: Urban Indian Women in Colonial